China World
Frozen Europe and Fast-Changing China: Martin Jacques on the Sino-European Dilemma
February 9th 2017 marks the much-anticipated opening conference of the Leiden Asia Centre, the expertise centre for socially relevant and applicable knowledge on modern East Asia based in the Netherlands.
The conference focuses on Sino-Dutch relations and the relations between Europe and China at large.
One of today’s key speakers is British journalist and scholar Martin Jacques (@martjacques), the author of the global best-seller When China Rules the World (2009). One of his key arguments is that China’s impact on the world goes beyond economics, and that it will also have extensive political, cultural and ideological consequences.
“China is looking for the ‘cracks’ in the global system; that where it is at its weakest.”
In introducing Martin Jacques, Professor Frank Pieke, one of the three academic directors of the Leiden Asia Centre, first talks about a separate “global China”, that is different from Western patterns of globalization.
China is looking for the “cracks” in the global system; that where it is at its weakest. Its presence is growing in Africa, Latin America, and also in regions like southern Europe. China is not looking for challenges, but it is looking for space, Pieke says.
One of the reasons why this is happening, Pieke argues, is that China is hamstrung by the fact that within its own region it is often perceived as a potentially hostile power by, for example, Japan or Korea. It does not have its own sphere of influence from where it can expand into the world.
“China is not ‘like us.’ It has never been and it will never be.”
Martin Jacques agrees with Pieke in the sense that “China’s globalization” is different from “globalization” as it is often perceived in the West.
There is a fundamental problem with how China is framed and discussed in western media, politics and academia, Jacques argues, as it often come down to the idea that China should be ‘like us.’
“We are the ‘global leaders’ and we supposedly define what modernity is, and modernity is singular. And therefore modernisation is westernization, and therefore China will end up just like us. Well, this is complete rubbish,” Jacques says: “China is not ‘like us.’ It has never been and it will never be.”
Jacques stresses that the concept of ‘modernity’ is plural, and that there is not one modernity because it is not shaped in neo-liberal terms, but it is shaped by history and culture. And since China’s history and culture is profoundly different from that of any Western country, we have to understand China in its own terms – not in our terms. The main reason why Western media or politics got China “so wrong” in the last decennia, Jacques argues, is because they failed to do this.
The assumptions people have about China are therefore generally flawed, and have failed to predict how China would evolve in the future.
China is not a nation state, but a ‘civilization-state’, and is very different from any European nation state. It is a huge united country – and the fact that it is stable and unified is the country’s top priority. The key political values of the Chinese are influenced by this idea, and also fundamentally different from Europe.
Why China is politically never going to be the same as Europe is because its key political concepts of unity, stability, and order, based on its long history, are what have shaped and are shaping China.
“China has not followed anyone’s route, but has chosen its own.”
China has not followed anyone’s route, but has chosen its own, Jacques argues. “The idea that Chinese governance is going to be like Western governance is profoundly mistaken. China is not going in that direction. I am not saying they will not change – there have been large changes already – but it will change in its own ways.”
China is historically also very different from Europe in the sense that it has not colonized the way Europe has, and has been less aggressive.
“Consider that China from being dirt poor is becoming the world’s second economy, and this all in a relatively peaceful process.”
Jacques emphasizes that China is in the process of transforming the world. Not only due to its size, but also due to its difference, that is bound to going to project itself and bring its history, values, and traditions to the rest of the world.
“China is not the leader of globalization, but it is certainly true to say that China is shaping globalization profoundly.”
All discourse about China’s rise has always been economic – discussed within the framework of American hegemony. But Jacques wants to stress that the rise of China goes much further than economics alone: 1.4 billion people are in the process of transformation is all sorts of ways, which is impacting China and the world in numerous ways.
Jacques notes that China has sometimes been blamed for being a ‘free rider’ in the international society, or for not ‘contributing’ anything, but this is changing. Since Xi Jinping has risen to power there have been some extraordinary initiatives, such as the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank. Jacques predicts that also through these kinds of initiatives, its influence is growing, and that those ever said China is not ‘contributing’ will be biting their tongues.
“It is not true to say China is the leader of globalization, but it is certainly true to say that China is shaping globalization profoundly.”
Jacques is pessimistic about the prospect of Sino-European relations. China is going ahead, and Europe is basically “stuck”, as it is increasingly turned inwards.
“Tencent, Alibaba, Huawei, Baidu, JD.com, Xiaomi, and other tech companies show that in many ways China is now ahead of Silicon Valley.”
Lastly, Jacques addresses the importance of China as a global power and crucial global influencer in various ways.
China’s online growth has shown it is the global leader in terms of internet commerce. Tencent, Alibaba, Huawei, Baidu, JD.com, Xiaomi, and other tech companies show that in many ways China is now ahead of Silicon Valley, with China’s online sales being well ahead of those in countries like the USA. Jacques also mentions that the functionality of apps like Weixin/WeChat is more advanced than its western counterpart Whatsapp – meaning that ‘the world’ will also be looking at China when it comes to its digital developments.
The country is also moving quickly in other ways. China is also the leader when it comes to issues such as climate change and foreign investments. He also mentions the ‘One Belt, One Road’ project (“it’s probably going to be extremely important.”)
“If Europe can’t hitch a ride with China in its transformation, then it will become marginalized.”
There is one last thing Martin Jacques wants to add to his speech, and it is about Trump, whom he calls “the most frightening president the US has ever had”, and how he will change the EU-USA-China dynamics.
Under Trump, he said, America will look after its own interests and will interact with the rest of the world in terms of bilateral relationships rather than from a plural, global position.
What will the Chinese do? “They will retaliate,” Jacques says. As China-US relations deteriorate, with China pushing America back, they will deepen the agreements with their own neighbors. The One Belt, One Road is an important part of this strategy.
Jacques foresees that the rise of Trump will also change Sino-European relations, as Europe -like China- also has little interest in Trump.
“I started off by saying Europe and China are very different, which is true,” he says. But despite his somewhat pessimistic views on Sino-European relations that find its roots in the western frameworks applied to China, there is also some light at the end of the tunnel: “Unlike the USA, both Europe and China have a long history. And there has been little rivalry with China. There is a logic for Europe to move much closer to China.”
Jacques stresses the importance for Europe to keep up with China. It is not China that needs to change, he argues – Europe does.
“China will keep marching on. China will keep its dynamic transformation. It will continue to grow. China is not the problem. Europe is. And we need to face up to that. If we can’t hitch a ride with China in its transformation, then we will become marginalized.”
Liveblog ended
– By Manya Koetse
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China Media
Wilders’ Win on Weibo: Hu Xijin and Others Discuss the “Dutch Trump”
Chinese netizens on Weibo have placed Wilders’ victory in a broader geopolitical context.
China Media
Xi and Biden’s “Beautiful” Hongqi Moment: National Pride and Shifting Dynamics in Sino-American Relations
The recognition of the decades-old Chinese Hongqi brand by a U.S. president was a promotion-worthy moment for Chinese official channels, resonating with netizens.
After the much anticipated Xi-Biden meeting in California on November 15, one noteworthy detail quickly hit Weibo’s top trending topics, namely Biden’s apparent admiration for Xi Jinping’s Hongqi car. The hashtag “Biden Points at Hongqi Car, Calls it Beautiful” #拜登指着红旗车说beautiful#) had racked up over 300 million views on Weibo by Thursday night.
The short moment happened as Biden accompanied Xi to his car following their meeting. “It’s a beautiful vehicle,” Biden remarked. “It’s a Hongqi car, made in China,” Xi replied. Biden then quickly peek inside before comparing the Hongqi car to his own American Cadillac “beast.”
Biden accompanied Xi to his car following their meeting. "It's a beautiful vehicle," he remarked. "It's a Hongqi car, made in China," Xi replied. This brief moment became top trending on Weibo today, where it received over 270 million views. pic.twitter.com/piyhUlCxr6
— Manya Koetse (@manyapan) November 16, 2023
On Chinese social media, the Hongqi car compliment was prominently featured and amplified by various official channels, framing it not only as a testament to the friendly relations between the U.S. and China but also as a triumph for Chinese-made brands.
The recognition of this decades-old Chinese brand by a U.S. president (similarly vintage) added an extra layer of significance, making it a noteworthy promotion-worthy moment that resonated with netizens.
Image “Hongqi: Recognition by the President of the United States”, circulating on Weibo.
Hongqi holds special significance in China and serves as a symbol of national pride, being the first car and limousine independently produced by the country in 1958 by FAW Group under the guidance of Chairman Mao Zedong. At the front of the car, you find a red flag, while the emblem on the back features Chinese characters for Red Flag in Mao Zedong’s calligraphy. Hóngqí (红旗) literally translates to ‘red flag.’
In the book Development of a Society on Wheels (2018), the Hongqi car is described as “carrying strong political symbols with a strong socialist flavor” as it stands for the success of China’s socialist system and the country’s self-reliance (p. 187). The car first premiered during the military parade in 1959, which celebrated the tenth anniversary of the People’s Republic of China (Hong 2013, 191).
China’s car industry has come a long way since then. China is now the largest automobile market and its car industry has quadrupled exports in just three years, surpassing Japan as the world leader.
Various Chinese media outlet used the context of Biden’s remarks to hold polls on the popularity of Chinese brand cars among netizens, asking them if they’d rather purchase a foreign car or a domestically produced brand. A majority of respondents indicated a preference for made-in-China brands.
Hongqi making its international debut at the Leipzig Trade Fair (Des Foires Internationales, 1960) (Sina).
But the way this incident is showcased on Chinese social media through official channels goes beyond Chinese national pride of esteemed brands and the success of China’s car industry. It also serves as a means to highlight the positive relations between Xi and Biden, as well as between China and the U.S., without delving too deeply into the political aspects of the meeting itself.
Recently, there has been a noticeable shift in Chinese official narratives regarding Washington and Biden, a change reflected in the top-down management of social media discussions on these topics and the guidelines on what is permitted or restricted. As is always the case with bigger high-level events and meetings involving leader Xi Jinping, there is stringent control and limited space for open online discussions when it comes to political content. But it is evident that the comments that now do make it to the front pages of Weibo or Douyin are primarily positive and supportive—this, despite the overall surge in anti-American sentiments on Chinese social media (also see our other recent article here).
The brief exchange between Biden and Xi about their cars is not merely positive, non-political, and non-sensitive; it also possesses another layer that makes it the ideal moment to highlight. It portrays a moment of changing power dynamics in bilateral relations, with the American president appreciating the Chinese leader’s car as much as he does his own Cadillac. Despite their differences, both are equally powerful and “beautiful.” This narrative precisely mirrors the current discourse about Sino-American relations that is especially visible in China’s online media sphere.
On X, China’s Foreign Ministry spokesperson Hua Chunying (华春莹) dedicated two tweets to the Hongqi moment. One of them showed a picture of the two cars next to eachother at the Filoli estate in Woodside, California, with Hua writing: “🇨🇳Chinese Hongqi and 🇺🇸American Cadillac Beast.”
On Weibo, a few commenters playfully suggested that Biden should consider swapping his Cadillac for a Hongqi. “Hey Old Joe, why not opt for a Hongqi, too?” Others humorously proposed that Biden could become an outstanding new spokesperson for the iconic Chinese car brand.
Meanwhile, the Hongqi brand shared the video of the moment on its own social media page with a caption inspired by a quote from Xi: “Staying true to our original aspiration, living up to expectations” (“不忘初心，不负期待”).
FAW Group Hongqi also posted the moment on their own social media page.
One Weibo user (@林妹妹有话说) from Guangdong writes:
“Times have really changed. Once, it was us [Chinese] who looked in admiration at the towering skyscrapers and bustling cars and traffic in the United States. Now, the whole situation has turned around and it’s America’s turn to admire China’s infrastructure, Chinese manufacturing, and especially the Chinese automotive industry (..) Our current power has earned us equality, respect, and admiration from the U.S. and the West. This reality is a powerful blow to those ‘intellectuals’ in the past who wanted us to kneel down in return for “friendship” with the West. It’s such a happy moment!”
By Manya Koetse
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References
Hong, Song. 2013. “National Patent Regime and Indigenous Innovations in compliance with TRIPS: A Case Study of China.” In: Sunil Mani and Richard R Nelson (eds), TRIPS Compliance, National Patent Regimes and Innovation, 172-222. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing Limited.
Wang, Junxiu. 2018. Development of a Society on Wheels: Understanding the Rise of Automobile-dependency in China Springer Nature Singapore.
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