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Chapter Dive

Mirror of Time: Chinese Weddings Through the Decades

Changing wedding customs are the mirror of a rapidly changing China. Over the past 50 years, China has seen drastic changes in the process of getting married and how weddings are celebrated. What’s on Weibo gives an overview of Chinese weddings since the 1950s.

Manya Koetse

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Changing wedding customs are the mirror of a rapidly changing China. Over the past 50 years, China has seen drastic changes in the process of getting married and how weddings are celebrated. What’s on Weibo gives an overview of Chinese weddings since the 1950s.

The staggering increase of bride prices in China’s rural areas has been a much-discussed topic in Chinese (social) media, as prices have increased sixty-fold (!) since the late 1990s.

But it is not just the custom of bride prices that has drastically changed over the past decades. In pace with a rapidly-changing China, the whole process of getting married and wedding traditions have undergone enormous changes.

Liu Tong (@丹东刘彤), deputy director of a Liaoning local TV channel, writes on Weibo: “In my parent’s generation, picking up the bride by bicycle was the equivalent of what the BMW car norm is now. After the establishment of a new China, the era of changes is reflected in the wedding transformations.”

Liu writes about what has characterized Chinese weddings through the ages, using a widespread Chinese phrase: “In the 1950s it was about having a bed, in the 1960s it was just about a bag of sweets, in the 1970s it was the Little Red Book, in the 1980s it was about having a radio, in the 1990s there was the extravagance of top-class hotels, and in the 2000s the wedding reception is a display of individuality”.*

Others on Weibo call China’s changing wedding traditions a “mirror of their time.”

Since China’s 1940s, the custom of wearing a white dress and making wedding photos had come into fashion (see image below).

Getting married in the 1940s: wearing a white dress had come into fashion (image via Ycwb).

But with the 1949 founding of the People’s Republic of China, wedding customs changed enormously within a relatively short time frame.

 

1950s: Plain and simple

 

In the 1950s, getting married was not much of a fuss, as China’s political situation and social revolution were deeply influencing people’s lives.

Getting a marriage certificate was enough to consider yourself married.

Wedding in Liaoning, China, in 1957 (image via Weibo and Wanhuajing).

An elder female resident from Hubei province named Mrs. Zhang tells Chinese media channel Cnchu.com that the weddings in those days were nothing comparable to what they are today: the marriage certificate was not much more than a paper with an official seal on it.

Wedding certificate from the 1950s.

People did not buy special clothes or gifts for the occasion: a simple gathering with some friends, neighbors, or family was enough.

Wedding portrait 1950s (via Weibo user @钦佩2013).

Liling county in Hunan Province, a couple registers their marriage with the local government on November 9, 1952 (image via Weibo and Women of China).

Mrs. Zhang says: “What left the deepest impression on me, was that I lived in a dorm for singles and had to go and collect my luggage and take it to my husband’s house to start my new life.”

“Although the wedding was very simple,” she says: “It was in fact very meaningful. We had the wedding certificate framed.”

 

1960s: Politics First

 

The 1960s wedding were similar to those in the 1950s in that they were quite simple, and that they would be celebrated with “just a few sweets and a plate of peanuts” (Liu 2013, 27). But with the launch of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), the impact of the Communist Revolution on people’s everyday lives was pushed a step further.

The wedding photo of a couple during the 1960s. [photo via Women of China].

There would be no flowers, no gown. Couples would get married by bowing their heads to a portrait of Mao Zedong at the local government office, holding the Little Red Book in their hands.

Wedding photo of China’s 1960s (image via Sina Blog).

The idea of free marriage, and marrying for love rather than material possessions, was something that had become the norm in most areas throughout China in the 1960s (Yu 1993, 110); the Marriage Law of the PRC was already introduced in 1950, and one its main principles was the free choice of partners.

Getting married in China’s 1960s (image via Weibo).

For a wedding, friends would gather for some peanuts, sweets, and tea, but there would not be big celebrations: people had to get up for work early the next morning, like any other day.

A marriage with tea and peanuts in 1968, Heilongjiang (via ifeng blog).

Journalist Li Zhensheng, who got married in 1968 at his work in the Heilongjiang Daily Newspaper’s office (see photo below), writes on iFeng Blog that it already cost one month’s wages (56 RMB/±8$)* to buy some candies, tea, and cigarettes. *(Please note that this is the present conversion rate and does not reflect the worth of 56 RMB in 1968).

PRC wedding certificate from 1968 (Image via ifeng blog).

Li tells that together with their co-workers, the married couple sang some revolutionary songs. Their friends gave them some signs to hang on their necks as a sort of joke, saying: “The bride/groom taking the socialist way.”

 

1970s: The Three Most-Wanted Items

 

In the late 1970s, after the ending of the Cultural Revolution, getting married became more connected to material possessions and a dowry. The idea of having “the three essential items” (三大件) came into fashion upon getting married. These items were a watch, a bicycle, and a sewing machine. A radio was later also included (三转一响).

The “three big items” of the 1970s.

Although these items were generally the most desirable ones in the 1950s-1970s period, there were unattainable to many, as were things like leather shoes.

Household furniture was also becoming more important; newlyweds were expected to own at least one complete set of furniture (including a table, 4 chairs, a bed, a writing desk, a couch, a coffee table, besides cabinet, etc.)

Nevertheless, the wedding ceremony itself would still be relatively simple: there was a marriage certificate, the couple would face the portrait of Mao Zedong and have one witness, which would be enough.

One Weibo user from Beijing (@婷是我六六也是我) shared the wedding picture and certificate of her parents, who got married in this era (images below).

According to wedding service company Jieqinwang, the price of a wedding ceremony in those days would be around 700 RMB (±100 US$ presently), with around a 420 RMB (60 US$) for the ‘three main items’ (watch, bicycle, and sewing machine) (this China.org article points out people would need coupons to purchase these items).

The rest of the money could be used for clothes (180 RMB/26$), and a wedding meal for 10 people (100 RMB/14$).

A 1970s wedding portrait in regular clothes, if people could afford it (via Jieqingwang).

Not all couples would be able to purchase new clothes, but if they could, they would. For many people, their wedding photo would be their first real portrait photo. Besides the photo in the Communist outfit, they would also have a photo in normal clothes.

 

1980s: Real Dress, Fake Flowers

 

After the end of the Mao era and the introduction of economic reforms by Deng Xiaoping, the 1980s showed some drastic changes to the previous decennia in wedding customs.

The general necessities for a marriage were now household electric appliances. Instead of items such as a watch, sewing machine, and bicycle, the new “three main items” were a television set, washing machine, and refrigerator – although not many people could actually afford them.

Chinese wedding portrait in 1980s (image via Weibo user @钦佩2013).

The custom of taking one’s vows in front of the Mao Zedong portrait was slowly disappearing, and weddings were becoming more formal again.

1980s wedding: the dress was real, the flowers were fake (image via Vision Times).

Those who could afford it would wear a Western-style dress and carry plastic flowers. Weddings would increasingly often take place outside the home, in hotels or restaurants.

The custom of picking up the bride with a group was also becoming more prevalent – she could sit on the back of the bike.

Picking up the bride per bike (image via Jieqinwang).

According to Jieqinwang and Phoenix News, the cost for a somewhat extravagant wedding in the 1980s would be around 3300 RMB (±480$), including the price for the “three items”, clothing, wedding pictures, and a wedding banquet for 10 people.

 

1990s: Higher Expectations

 

In the 1990s, the costs and expectations of wedding ceremonies became much higher than in the previous decades. The custom of making pre-wedding pictures came into fashion and the so-called bride prices or dowries came to play a more important role.

Pre-wedding photos in the 1990s (via Jianqinwang).

The day itself was also a much bigger event than in previous era’s. On the day of the wedding, the groom’s side would often rent a car to pick up the bride, and the wedding would often be celebrated in a hotel or restaurant.

1990s wedding in more rural area: electric appliances played a major role (image via TJFer).

Newlyweds in their ride (rural, image via TJfer).

1990s wedding: newlyweds pay their respects to each other (rural, image via TJfer).

Owning a house also became to play a more important role, although this was financially impossible for many.

One Chinese man born in 1967 shares the story of his marriage day in 1995 with China.com, saying: “Getting married in the 1990s had become a lot more complicated and needed a lot of preparation, selecting the day, settling the dowry, seeing the new house (..), everything had to be prepared.”

The average price of a wedding had become about ten times higher in the 1990s than in the 1980s. People would spend about 500 RMB (±75$) on taking wedding photos in a studio.

Taking pre-wedding studio photos became fashionable in the 1990s. 

Other costs included the buying of the ‘must-have’ electrical appliances of the 1990s (motorbike, air-conditioning, video recorder), buying a wedding dress and the suit, renting a wedding car, and paying for a lavish wedding banquet for about 20 people.

Excluding the price of buying or renovating the house, this would still make the wedding price of around 33000 RMB (±4800-5000$, estimated by Jieqinwang).

 

2000s: Individuality & Extravagance

 

Since the 2000s, the organization and payment of weddings have become an increasingly heavy burden, especially for the groom’s family.

Although the custom of bride prices varies across China, it has come to play a more significant role in China’s countryside, where bride prices reached a new height due to the shortage of women of marriage age.

More original and individual style weddings have become popular since the 2000s.

Whereas the ‘three main items’ of the 1970s-1980s period were a sewing machine, bike, and a watch – later substituted with a washing machine, TV set, and fridge, and a motorbike, video recorder and air-conditioning – the magic words of the 2000s became ‘house’ and ‘car’ (买房买车); meaning that for a man to be considered eligible for marriage, they are usually expected to buy a house and own a car.

In the 21st century, Chinese weddings incorporate more Chinese traditional aspects (image via BBC).

Chinese weddings after 2000 are especially marked by their combination of traditional and western influences. Around 2003, a survey by People’s Daily revealed that an average newly married couple in Tianjin would spend around 191,000 RMB (±27,800$) on their wedding. This money would go towards the banquet, housing and furniture, wedding pictures, etc. (Liu 2013, 27).

Present-day wedding portrait, as shared on Weibo by Luce Artiz Studio (2017).

The pre-wedding photo sessions have now become an integral part of the Chinese wedding customs. As Cat Hanson wrote here previously, the perfect wedding shoot has actually become a top priority in Chinese wedding arrangements. Many couples even travel abroad for their pre-wedding photo session.

Wedding photo by Blue Bay Wedding Photo Studio on Weibo (@蔚蓝海岸旅游摄影集团).

On Chinese social media, wedding photography companies offer all-inclusive packages that promise couples 10 different outfits (including make-up and hair) in 10 different scenic scenes, including hotel stays and free drinks. The photo tradition has become a honeymoon of its own.

Those wedding photos now also show that besides all the lavishness, people also find it increasingly more important to stress individuality: from traditional clothes to western style dresses to unique creations, the majority of China’s early 21st century couples like to keep their weddings classy, original, and expensive.

Wedding in Sichuan, 2008 (photo by author).

– By Manya Koetse
Follow on Twitter or Like on Facebook

* loose translation of the sentence: “五十年代一张床,六十年代一包糖,七十年代红宝书,八十年代三转一响,九十年代星级宾馆讲排场,二十一世纪特色婚宴个性张扬.”

Sources & Further Reading

Chen Mingyuan 陈明远. 2010. “20世纪中国的结婚照 [20th Century Chinese Wedding Photos]” (In Chinese). Sina Blog, May 3 http://blog.sina.com.cn/s/blog_4bbb74a50100g4u7.html [20.2.17].

Cnchu.com. 2015. “50年代一张床 荆州社区居民话说那个年代的婚礼 [In the 1950s a Bed Was Enough – Jingzhou Community Residents Talk About the Weddings of The Time].” Cnchu, Oct 24 http://www.cnchu.com/viewnews-212816.html [19.2.17].

iFeng/Phoenix News. 2016. “父辈们的婚礼:自行车接新娘相当于现在宝马.” Phoenix News, Dec 16 http://share.iclient.ifeng.com/news/sharenews.f?aid=116557303&channelId=default&mid=&vt=5&srctag=cpz_sh_imtj_a [19.2.17].

Jieqingwang. “婚礼中婚纱最耀眼 盘点中国婚纱的变化” http://www.jieqinwang.com/article/detail/id/992
iFeng/Phoenix News. Special “Getting Married in the 1980s.” http://js.ifeng.com/special/80nd-hunli/#p1 [21.2.17].

Liu, Fengshu. 2013 (2011). “Social Transformation in China.” In Fengshu Liu, Urban Youth in China: Modernity, the Internet and the Self, 15-35. New York: Routledge.

Liu Qingmei 刘清梅. 2016. “六十年婚礼进行曲 [Sixty Years Wedding March].” Sina Blog, June 8 http://blog.sina.com.cn/s/blog_4e74289e0102x7y5.html [19.2.17].

Li Zhensheng 李振盛. 2010. “我在1968年的“文革”婚礼 [My ‘Revolutionary’ Wedding in 1968].” iFeng Blog, Dec 24 http://blog.ifeng.com/article/9306039.html [21.2.17].

Steinfeld, Jemimah. 2015. Little Emperors and Material Girls: Youth and Sex in Modern China. I.B.Tauris.

TJFER. 2016 “老照片:90年代农村结婚场面 [Old Photos: 1990s Weddings in the Countryside].” TJFER, 23 Nov http://www.tjfer.com/detail/g6356076561996906754/ [21.2.17].

Vision Times. 2011. “清末到80年代 百年婚纱照的演变 [From the End of the Qing to 1980s: The Development of 100 Years Marriage Pictures].” Vision Times, Dec 20 http://m.secretchina.com/news/gb/2011/12/20/433617.html.%E6%B8%85%E6%9C%AB%E5%88%B080%E5%B9%B4%E4%BB%A3%E3%80%80%E7%99%BE%E5%B9%B4%E5%A9%9A%E7%BA%B1%E7%85%A7%E7%9A%84%E6%BC%94%E5%8F%98(%E7%BB%84%E5%9B%BE).html [20.2.17].

Wanhuajing. “父辈们的婚礼:自行车接新娘相当于现在宝马 [The Weddings of Our Parents: Today’s BMW is the Bike that Picked Up the Bride Then]” Wanhuajing, Dec 29 http://m.wanhuajing.com/d673875 [19.2.17].

Women of China. 2009. “Changes in Chinese Weddings Over 60 Years.” Women of China, http://www.womenofchina.cn/womenofchina/html1/features/family/10/2641-1.htm [19.2.17].

Women of China. 2011. “‘Barometers’ of Fashion: Chinese Women’s Hairstyles Change; Reflect Altering Trends Over Past 60 Years.” Women of China, 14 Dec http://www.womenofchina.cn/womenofchina/html1/special/13/6006-1.htm [21.2.17].

YCWB. 2015. “婚礼中婚纱最耀眼 盘点中国婚纱的变化 [The Wedding Dress Is The Most Dazzling Part – Inventory of Chinese Wedding Changes].” YCWB, July 27 http://life.ycwb.com/2015-07/29/content_20473410.htm [19.2.17].

Yu, George T. 1993. China in Transition: Economic, Political, and Social Developments. Lanham: University Press of America.

©2017 Whatsonweibo. All rights reserved. Do not reproduce our content without permission – you can contact us at info@whatsonweibo.com

Manya Koetse is a sinologist, writer, and public speaker specializing in China’s social trends, digital culture, and online media ecosystems. She founded What’s on Weibo in 2013 and now runs the Eye on Digital China newsletter. Learn more at manyakoetse.com or follow her on X, Instagram, or LinkedIn.

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China Brands, Marketing & Consumers

Quack Like a Goose: Why Beijing Street Vendor “Auntie Goose Legs” Sparked a Nationwide Debate

After the first complaints surfaced, Auntie Goose Legs admitted the truth about her business: she ha been selling duck legs all along.

Manya Koetse

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🔥 Originally published in Eye on Digital China.
My premium newsletter covering the stories, memes, debates, and viral moments shaping online conversations in China. Subscribe here to receive future editions.

If it walks like a duck and quacks like a duck, it might still be a goose – or the other way around. That, at least, is the takeaway from two stories that recently went viral on Chinese social media.

The woman at the center of it all is Beijing street-food vendor Chen Xiufeng (陈秀凤), better known as “Auntie Goose Legs” (鹅腿阿姨). Over the years, she became something of a local celebrity in Beijing’s university district. Originally from Jiangsu, the migrant vendor had been selling her famous roasted goose legs to students since 2011.

She skyrocketed to national fame in 2023 , but became the target of widespread criticism last week after it was revealed that her celebrated goose legs – sold for 16 yuan ($2.20) per piece – were actually duck meat all along.

The controversy came up after the vendor ventured beyond the university area into Beijing’s business district. At the universities, she enjoyed a loyal customer base and dedicated WeChat groups. In her new market, however, customers proved more skeptical. Some noticed that the meat looked suspiciously duck-like; others complained that the color seemed off.

In the university district, Auntie Goose Legs she enjoyed a loyal customer base and dedicated WeChat groups.

After the first complaints surfaced, Auntie Goose Legs admitted the truth on WeChat on June 9.

“The ingredients I originally used were goose legs,” she wrote, “but they have been out of stock for more than fifteen years. The current ingredient is duck legs.”

It turned out that she had only sold goose legs, the product that made her famous, for two months back in 2011 before switching to the much cheaper duck. “Did geese become extinct without us knowing?” some netizens joked.

The revelation quickly exploded online. The hashtag “What Auntie Goose Legs is Selling Turns Out to be Duck Legs” (#鹅腿阿姨卖的是鸭腿#) became the top trending on Weibo for an entire day, with millions of people discussing the topic.

 

Why did millions of people become so outraged over a single Beijing street vendor selling duck instead of goose?

 

Piggybacking on the debate, Anhui-based commentators pointed out that a beloved regional specialty has the exact opposite ‘problem.’ Wuwei smoked duck (无为板鸭) is branded as duck, but is usually goose. According to local standards, however, goose products may be sold under this name, prompting discussions about “hanging up a goat’s head, while selling dog meat“ (挂羊头卖狗肉): advertising one thing while selling another.

Because geese are more expensive than ducks in China, and generally considered tastier, the Anhui duck-is-goose story, unlike the Auntie Goose Legs controversy, did not provoke online anger. Instead, many people saw it as an example of sellers prioritizing flavor over cost. Auntie Goose Legs is seen as doing the exact opposite.

But why did millions of people actually become so outraged over a single Beijing street vendor selling duck instead of goose, especially when there were no indications that anyone became ill? The answer has little to do with poultry and everything to do with trust.

Auntie Goose Legs during the prime time in Beijing’s University District in late 2023 (image via Lianhe Zaobao 联合早报).

Food fraud and mislabeling have been longstanding concerns in China. Earlier surveys found that food safety worries even outweighed concerns about public security and environmental issues, and while China’s food safety record has improved in recent years, public trust remains fragile.

Part of these concerns are immediate and practical. Major scandals in the past involving melamine-tainted infant formula or recycled “gutter oil” have posed serious risks to public health. But the issue goes beyond health risks alone.

 

If a goose can be a duck, then what exactly is the duck?

 

Whereas food safety concerns in many Western countries often focus on contamination, Chinese consumers are frequently just as concerned with economic deception. It is unfair to pay for a more expensive goose and receive a duck. Even if no one gets sick, Chinese consumer law still treats it as fraud.

More important, however, is what such deception does to confidence in the broader food system. If a goose can be a duck, then what exactly is the duck?

As a major 2023 college canteen scandal demonstrated, the build-up of deceit can reach a breaking point among the public. During that somewhat Kafkaesque “rat head or duck neck” (鼠头or鸭脖”事件) controversy, officials insisted a rat head found in a student’s rice was merely a “duck neck,” even though everyone could clearly see the snout and teeth of a rodent.

This kind of gaslighting shatters social trust and reinforces a generalized sense that, as a consumer, you are entirely on your own. When regulators fail to step in honestly, even a seemingly isolated incident comes to symbolize more dangerous forms of systemic food fraud.

And this is where the Auntie Goose Legs story stings the most.

People did not come to her simply because her food was good. Over the years, she had become part of local student life, and she felt safe and authentic. Her pink scooter helmet, which she continued to wear while working, became an iconic symbol of her no-nonsense and humble image. Her success was built on word of mouth and, above all, on the trust her customers placed in her.

That this particular “auntie” deceived her customers by selling a different product than the one she advertised is no longer really about her. If duck is goose, goose is duck, and your local auntie has deceived you for years, then who can you trust anymore?

 

  • Read more about how Auntie Goose Legs rose to fame in 2023 here.

 

By Manya Koetse
(follow on X, LinkedIn, or Instagram)

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©2026 Eye on Digital China/Whatsonweibo. All rights reserved. Do not reproduce our content without permission – you can contact us at info@whatsonweibo.com.

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Chapter Dive

“Going to Town to Handle Business”: How Adidas Went from Hated in China to a Chinamaxxing Brand

Why has Adidas regained cultural relevance in China while Nike is struggling despite its global strength?

Manya Koetse

Published

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🔥 Originally published in Eye on Digital China.
My premium newsletter covering the stories, memes, debates, and viral moments shaping online conversations in China. Subscribe here to receive future editions.

A viral meme about “going to town to handle business” helped Adidas pull off one of the most successful brand turnarounds in China—and highlights why Nike is struggling to keep up.

Just five years ago, Adidas was one of the most criticized foreign brands in China. Now, it seems to have become one of the most celebrated. Ironically, the brand’s biggest success in China yet started with a mistake it made last month.

In 2021, Adidas – along with Nike and other foreign brands – faced severe backlash and boycotts in China for participating in the Better Cotton Initiative (BCI) move to stop sourcing cotton from the Xinjiang region, which Chinese consumers viewed as a hostile anti-Chinese political stance (and was framed that way by state media and official channels).

Chinese livestreamers for the brands were scolded online, Adidas employees were brought to tears, and stores across the country saw their sales drop. People began posting videos of themselves burning their Nike Air Jordans on Weibo. For the brands involved, it became a marketing nightmare.

Screenshot of SCMP report about the Nike sneakers being burnt, Adidas employees facing backlash back in 2021.

But now, Adidas has managed to completely turn its image around in mainland China, where it is being praised for its top-of-game PR skills.

 

Adidas: Heading to Town to Take Care of Business

 

Over the past few years, Adidas has increasingly embraced “New Chinese Style” (新中式), a design direction that blends Chinese aesthetics with contemporary fashion. The October 2025 launch of its “Chinese New Year Jacket”—combining tang suit-inspired elements with classic Adidas sportswear—became a huge hit, not just in China but globally.

The Adidas Chinese New Year collection became a huge hit in 2025. On the left: American influencer Hasan Piker wearing the jacket while visiting Tiananmen Square in Beijing.

 

But that was only the beginning of Adidas’s social media success in China.

In late May, some netizens spotted a machine-translated text on the Adidas website that immediately went viral for its unintentional humor.

A jacket promoted in English with the unremarkable phrase “pair it with jeans for errands around town“ appeared on the Chinese website as the clunky “pair it with jeans to handle business in the city“ (搭配牛仔裤,在城里办事 zài chénglǐ bàn shì).

The original English text and the clunky machine translation on the right.

More than a simple mistake, it was a cultural mistranslation. Running some errands is not the same as 办事 bàn shì in Chinese, which is more formal, bureaucratic language for handling affairs, such as going to the bank, notary, or police station—not a quick run to buy some eggs and milk.

For many Chinese netizens, the phrase evoked an image of an old villager cycling into the county town for official business, all while wearing an Adidas jacket.

Although the website was quickly adjusted, the meme was already snowballing and evolved into the more playful “off to town to take care of business” (进城办事 jìn chéng bàn shì).

One popular comment played on the rural-to-city associations of the phrase:

💬 “While you’re back in the village talking trash about me, I’m already wearing Adidas and heading into town to take care of business.”

Adidas responded with surprising speed and wit.

Instead of apologizing for the mistake, they posted a video showing their own “off to town to do business” T-shirt, which quickly became available for sale online and at flagship stores in Beijing, Shanghai, and Chengdu.

Chinese actor and Adidas ambassador Li Xian (李现) was later spotted wearing a “handling business” T-shirt, and the comment sections exploded.

 

Adidas read the room and went on to launch a marketing campaign featuring China’s popular possum meme wearing one of its jackets alongside slogans such as “Wear Adidas, Handle Serious Affairs” and “Wear Adi, Handle Big Things“—a nod to the original mistranslation and a series of viral wordplays built around the brand’s Chinese name (including “穿Adi办大事” and “穿Adi, 办das”, with das meaning dàshì 大事, “important business” here).

They also put up signs labeling some of their stores as “Adidas Errands Office” (阿迪办事处).

Rather than distancing itself from the joke, Adidas amplified it, becoming even funnier than the netizens themselves.

Other brands in China, from Lays to Alipay, saw the hype surrounding the meme and also started incorporating the “handle business” phrase into their online campaigns, referencing Adidas.

Various Chinese brands incorporated the Adidas meme into their own campaigns.

Because Adidas’s response felt effortless, authentic, and on-brand, it greatly boosted the brand’s popularity and appeal among young Chinese consumers.

 

Nike’s Grass is No Longer Greener

 

Sportswear giant Nike also became a major trending topic in China over the past week, but for entirely different reasons. Nike hasn’t been doing all that well recently, and the brand’s decline went viral in the same week that Adidas’s success was evident.

Nike became a top trending topic under the hashtag “Chinese consumers are abandoning Nike faster than anyone expected” (中国消费者抛弃耐克比想象中更快) after reports that a pair of sneakers originally sold for 899 yuan (US$132) are now selling for 429 yuan ($63) and still failing to attract buyers.

Nike’s decline is noteworthy because the brand was once booming in China. As with many other Western brands, it symbolized quality, prestige, and a cosmopolitan future for much of the 1990s and 2000s.

In a 2011 study of Chinese consumer aspirations, one respondent imagined a future in which she would drive a Mercedes-Benz, wear Nike, and eat KFC—a vision of modernity built around foreign brands. Another person dreamt of wearing “Nike clothes and Nike shoes (…) on the green grass, swinging golf clubs under the golden sunshine.”[1]

But Nike’s grass is no longer greener. Chinese commenters largely agree that much of the trust and desire surrounding the brand has eroded.

Many former Nike consumers now prefer Chinese brands such as Anta, Li-Ning or ERKE. Multiple posts on Chinese social media cite the Xinjiang cotton controversy as a turning point from which Nike never fully recovered.

 

The Localization Dilemma: A Strategic Catch-22?

 

The contrasting fortunes of Nike and Adidas reveal something important about the position of foreign brands in China today.

As domestic brands improved and narratives of national rejuvenation and the “Chinese Dream” gained prominence under Xi Jinping, consumer sentiment toward Western brands shifted dramatically, especially amid a growing number of controversies involving them.

From a Dolce & Gabbana campaign deemed racist to a witch hunt for Western brands listing Hong Kong and Taiwan as separate countries, international brands increasingly started struggling to find their place between politics, patriotism, and consumers who are choosing “Made in China” over global consumer culture.

As Zhihong Gao[2] observed as early as 2012, the rise of cultural confidence and renewed appreciation for Chinese traditions created a dilemma for foreign brands.

They find themselves caught in a strategic catch-22: if they localize too much, they risk losing the distinctiveness that made their brands attractive in the first place, while also reinforcing consumer preference for local cultural elements; yet if they remain too foreign, they risk appearing culturally tone-deaf and disconnected from Chinese consumers.

This is where Adidas appears to have found a sweet spot.

Unlike Nike, which seems to be living off its past success while showing little urgency in adapting to the Chinese market, Adidas has fully embraced Chinese digital culture, local humor, wordplay, and youth trends without abandoning its own identity.

Rather than pretending to be Chinese, Adidas is participating in Chinese culture as a distinctly foreign brand. By celebrating the unique elements of Chinese culture, both in tradition and modernity, it is boosting both its own image and the cultural pride it is tapping into. That is Chinamaxxing in a nutshell.

 

  • Read more about Chinamaxxing here.
  • Read more about the rise of ‘proudly made in China’ here.
  • Read more about Nike vs ERKE here

 

[1] Kelly Tian and Lily Dong, Consumer-Citizens of China: The Role of Foreign Brands in the Imagined Future China (London: Routledge, 2011), 70–71.

[2] Zhihong Gao, “Chinese Grassroots Nationalism and Its Impact on Foreign Brands,” Journal of Macromarketing 32, no. 2 (2012): 184–185.

 

By Manya Koetse
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