Connect with us

Backgrounder

Mirror of Time: Chinese Weddings Through the Decades

Changing wedding customs are the mirror of a rapidly changing China. Over the past 50 years, China has seen drastic changes in the process of getting married and how weddings are celebrated. What’s on Weibo gives an overview of Chinese weddings since the 1950s.

Manya Koetse

Published

on

Changing wedding customs are the mirror of a rapidly changing China. Over the past 50 years, China has seen drastic changes in the process of getting married and how weddings are celebrated. What’s on Weibo gives an overview of Chinese weddings since the 1950s.

The staggering increase of bride prices in China’s rural areas has been a much-discussed topic in Chinese (social) media, as prices have increased sixty-fold (!) since the late 1990s.

But it is not just the custom of bride prices that has drastically changed over the past decades. In pace with a rapidly-changing China, the whole process of getting married and wedding traditions have undergone enormous changes.

Liu Tong (@丹东刘彤), deputy director of a Liaoning local TV channel, writes on Weibo: “In my parent’s generation, picking up the bride by bicycle was the equivalent of what the BMW car norm is now. After the establishment of a new China, the era of changes is reflected in the wedding transformations.”

Liu writes about what has characterized Chinese weddings through the ages, using a widespread Chinese phrase: “In the 1950s it was about having a bed, in the 1960s it was just about a bag of sweets, in the 1970s it was the Little Red Book, in the 1980s it was about having a radio, in the 1990s there was the extravagance of top-class hotels, and in the 2000s the wedding reception is a display of individuality”.*

Others on Weibo call China’s changing wedding traditions a “mirror of their time.”

Since China’s 1940s, the custom of wearing a white dress and making wedding photos had come into fashion (see image below).

Getting married in the 1940s: wearing a white dress had come into fashion (image via Ycwb).

But with the 1949 founding of the People’s Republic of China, wedding customs changed enormously within a relatively short time frame.

 

1950s: Plain and simple

 

In the 1950s, getting married was not much of a fuss, as China’s political situation and social revolution were deeply influencing people’s lives.

Getting a marriage certificate was enough to consider yourself married.

Wedding in Liaoning, China, in 1957 (image via Weibo and Wanhuajing).

An elder female resident from Hubei province named Mrs. Zhang tells Chinese media channel Cnchu.com that the weddings in those days were nothing comparable to what they are today: the marriage certificate was not much more than a paper with an official seal on it.

Wedding certificate from the 1950s.

People did not buy special clothes or gifts for the occasion: a simple gathering with some friends, neighbors, or family was enough.

Wedding portrait 1950s (via Weibo user @钦佩2013).

Liling county in Hunan Province, a couple registers their marriage with the local government on November 9, 1952 (image via Weibo and Women of China).

Mrs. Zhang says: “What left the deepest impression on me, was that I lived in a dorm for singles and had to go and collect my luggage and take it to my husband’s house to start my new life.”

“Although the wedding was very simple,” she says: “It was in fact very meaningful. We had the wedding certificate framed.”

 

1960s: Politics First

 

The 1960s wedding were similar to those in the 1950s in that they were quite simple, and that they would be celebrated with “just a few sweets and a plate of peanuts” (Liu 2013, 27). But with the launch of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), the impact of the Communist Revolution on people’s everyday lives was pushed a step further.

The wedding photo of a couple during the 1960s. [photo via Women of China].

There would be no flowers, no gown. Couples would get married by bowing their heads to a portrait of Mao Zedong at the local government office, holding the Little Red Book in their hands.

Wedding photo of China’s 1960s (image via Sina Blog).

The idea of free marriage, and marrying for love rather than material possessions, was something that had become the norm in most areas throughout China in the 1960s (Yu 1993, 110); the Marriage Law of the PRC was already introduced in 1950, and one its main principles was the free choice of partners.

Getting married in China’s 1960s (image via Weibo).

For a wedding, friends would gather for some peanuts, sweets, and tea, but there would not be big celebrations: people had to get up for work early the next morning, like any other day.

A marriage with tea and peanuts in 1968, Heilongjiang (via ifeng blog).

Journalist Li Zhensheng, who got married in 1968 at his work in the Heilongjiang Daily Newspaper’s office (see photo below), writes on iFeng Blog that it already cost one month’s wages (56 RMB/±8$)* to buy some candies, tea, and cigarettes. *(Please note that this is the present conversion rate and does not reflect the worth of 56 RMB in 1968).

PRC wedding certificate from 1968 (Image via ifeng blog).

Li tells that together with their co-workers, the married couple sang some revolutionary songs. Their friends gave them some signs to hang on their necks as a sort of joke, saying: “The bride/groom taking the socialist way.”

 

1970s: The Three Most-Wanted Items

 

In the late 1970s, after the ending of the Cultural Revolution, getting married became more connected to material possessions and a dowry. The idea of having “the three essential items” (三大件) came into fashion upon getting married. These items were a watch, a bicycle, and a sewing machine. A radio was later also included (三转一响).

The “three big items” of the 1970s.

Although these items were generally the most desirable ones in the 1950s-1970s period, there were unattainable to many, as were things like leather shoes.

Household furniture was also becoming more important; newlyweds were expected to own at least one complete set of furniture (including a table, 4 chairs, a bed, a writing desk, a couch, a coffee table, besides cabinet, etc.)

Nevertheless, the wedding ceremony itself would still be relatively simple: there was a marriage certificate, the couple would face the portrait of Mao Zedong and have one witness, which would be enough.

One Weibo user from Beijing (@婷是我六六也是我) shared the wedding picture and certificate of her parents, who got married in this era (images below).

According to wedding service company Jieqinwang, the price of a wedding ceremony in those days would be around 700 RMB (±100 US$ presently), with around a 420 RMB (60 US$) for the ‘three main items’ (watch, bicycle, and sewing machine) (this China.org article points out people would need coupons to purchase these items).

The rest of the money could be used for clothes (180 RMB/26$), and a wedding meal for 10 people (100 RMB/14$).

A 1970s wedding portrait in regular clothes, if people could afford it (via Jieqingwang).

Not all couples would be able to purchase new clothes, but if they could, they would. For many people, their wedding photo would be their first real portrait photo. Besides the photo in the Communist outfit, they would also have a photo in normal clothes.

 

1980s: Real Dress, Fake Flowers

 

After the end of the Mao era and the introduction of economic reforms by Deng Xiaoping, the 1980s showed some drastic changes to the previous decennia in wedding customs.

The general necessities for a marriage were now household electric appliances. Instead of items such as a watch, sewing machine, and bicycle, the new “three main items” were a television set, washing machine, and refrigerator – although not many people could actually afford them.

Chinese wedding portrait in 1980s (image via Weibo user @钦佩2013).

The custom of taking one’s vows in front of the Mao Zedong portrait was slowly disappearing, and weddings were becoming more formal again.

1980s wedding: the dress was real, the flowers were fake (image via Vision Times).

Those who could afford it would wear a Western-style dress and carry plastic flowers. Weddings would increasingly often take place outside the home, in hotels or restaurants.

The custom of picking up the bride with a group was also becoming more prevalent – she could sit on the back of the bike.

Picking up the bride per bike (image via Jieqinwang).

According to Jieqinwang and Phoenix News, the cost for a somewhat extravagant wedding in the 1980s would be around 3300 RMB (±480$), including the price for the “three items”, clothing, wedding pictures, and a wedding banquet for 10 people.

 

1990s: Higher Expectations

 

In the 1990s, the costs and expectations of wedding ceremonies became much higher than in the previous decades. The custom of making pre-wedding pictures came into fashion and the so-called bride prices or dowries came to play a more important role.

Pre-wedding photos in the 1990s (via Jianqinwang).

The day itself was also a much bigger event than in previous era’s. On the day of the wedding, the groom’s side would often rent a car to pick up the bride, and the wedding would often be celebrated in a hotel or restaurant.

1990s wedding in more rural area: electric appliances played a major role (image via TJFer).

Newlyweds in their ride (rural, image via TJfer).

1990s wedding: newlyweds pay their respects to each other (rural, image via TJfer).

Owning a house also became to play a more important role, although this was financially impossible for many.

One Chinese man born in 1967 shares the story of his marriage day in 1995 with China.com, saying: “Getting married in the 1990s had become a lot more complicated and needed a lot of preparation, selecting the day, settling the dowry, seeing the new house (..), everything had to be prepared.”

The average price of a wedding had become about ten times higher in the 1990s than in the 1980s. People would spend about 500 RMB (±75$) on taking wedding photos in a studio.

Taking pre-wedding studio photos became fashionable in the 1990s. 

Other costs included the buying of the ‘must-have’ electrical appliances of the 1990s (motorbike, air-conditioning, video recorder), buying a wedding dress and the suit, renting a wedding car, and paying for a lavish wedding banquet for about 20 people.

Excluding the price of buying or renovating the house, this would still make the wedding price of around 33000 RMB (±4800-5000$, estimated by Jieqinwang).

 

2000s: Individuality & Extravagance

 

Since the 2000s, the organization and payment of weddings have become an increasingly heavy burden, especially for the groom’s family.

Although the custom of bride prices varies across China, it has come to play a more significant role in China’s countryside, where bride prices reached a new height due to the shortage of women of marriage age.

More original and individual style weddings have become popular since the 2000s.

Whereas the ‘three main items’ of the 1970s-1980s period were a sewing machine, bike, and a watch – later substituted with a washing machine, TV set, and fridge, and a motorbike, video recorder and air-conditioning – the magic words of the 2000s became ‘house’ and ‘car’ (买房买车); meaning that for a man to be considered eligible for marriage, they are usually expected to buy a house and own a car.

In the 21st century, Chinese weddings incorporate more Chinese traditional aspects (image via BBC).

Chinese weddings after 2000 are especially marked by their combination of traditional and western influences. Around 2003, a survey by People’s Daily revealed that an average newly married couple in Tianjin would spend around 191,000 RMB (±27,800$) on their wedding. This money would go towards the banquet, housing and furniture, wedding pictures, etc. (Liu 2013, 27).

Present-day wedding portrait, as shared on Weibo by Luce Artiz Studio (2017).

The pre-wedding photo sessions have now become an integral part of the Chinese wedding customs. As Cat Hanson wrote here previously, the perfect wedding shoot has actually become a top priority in Chinese wedding arrangements. Many couples even travel abroad for their pre-wedding photo session.

Wedding photo by Blue Bay Wedding Photo Studio on Weibo (@蔚蓝海岸旅游摄影集团).

On Chinese social media, wedding photography companies offer all-inclusive packages that promise couples 10 different outfits (including make-up and hair) in 10 different scenic scenes, including hotel stays and free drinks. The photo tradition has become a honeymoon of its own.

Those wedding photos now also show that besides all the lavishness, people also find it increasingly more important to stress individuality: from traditional clothes to western style dresses to unique creations, the majority of China’s early 21st century couples like to keep their weddings classy, original, and expensive.

Wedding in Sichuan, 2008 (photo by author).

– By Manya Koetse
Follow on Twitter or Like on Facebook

* loose translation of the sentence: “五十年代一张床,六十年代一包糖,七十年代红宝书,八十年代三转一响,九十年代星级宾馆讲排场,二十一世纪特色婚宴个性张扬.”

Sources & Further Reading

Chen Mingyuan 陈明远. 2010. “20世纪中国的结婚照 [20th Century Chinese Wedding Photos]” (In Chinese). Sina Blog, May 3 http://blog.sina.com.cn/s/blog_4bbb74a50100g4u7.html [20.2.17].

Cnchu.com. 2015. “50年代一张床 荆州社区居民话说那个年代的婚礼 [In the 1950s a Bed Was Enough – Jingzhou Community Residents Talk About the Weddings of The Time].” Cnchu, Oct 24 http://www.cnchu.com/viewnews-212816.html [19.2.17].

iFeng/Phoenix News. 2016. “父辈们的婚礼:自行车接新娘相当于现在宝马.” Phoenix News, Dec 16 http://share.iclient.ifeng.com/news/sharenews.f?aid=116557303&channelId=default&mid=&vt=5&srctag=cpz_sh_imtj_a [19.2.17].

Jieqingwang. “婚礼中婚纱最耀眼 盘点中国婚纱的变化” http://www.jieqinwang.com/article/detail/id/992
iFeng/Phoenix News. Special “Getting Married in the 1980s.” http://js.ifeng.com/special/80nd-hunli/#p1 [21.2.17].

Liu, Fengshu. 2013 (2011). “Social Transformation in China.” In Fengshu Liu, Urban Youth in China: Modernity, the Internet and the Self, 15-35. New York: Routledge.

Liu Qingmei 刘清梅. 2016. “六十年婚礼进行曲 [Sixty Years Wedding March].” Sina Blog, June 8 http://blog.sina.com.cn/s/blog_4e74289e0102x7y5.html [19.2.17].

Li Zhensheng 李振盛. 2010. “我在1968年的“文革”婚礼 [My ‘Revolutionary’ Wedding in 1968].” iFeng Blog, Dec 24 http://blog.ifeng.com/article/9306039.html [21.2.17].

Steinfeld, Jemimah. 2015. Little Emperors and Material Girls: Youth and Sex in Modern China. I.B.Tauris.

TJFER. 2016 “老照片:90年代农村结婚场面 [Old Photos: 1990s Weddings in the Countryside].” TJFER, 23 Nov http://www.tjfer.com/detail/g6356076561996906754/ [21.2.17].

Vision Times. 2011. “清末到80年代 百年婚纱照的演变 [From the End of the Qing to 1980s: The Development of 100 Years Marriage Pictures].” Vision Times, Dec 20 http://m.secretchina.com/news/gb/2011/12/20/433617.html.%E6%B8%85%E6%9C%AB%E5%88%B080%E5%B9%B4%E4%BB%A3%E3%80%80%E7%99%BE%E5%B9%B4%E5%A9%9A%E7%BA%B1%E7%85%A7%E7%9A%84%E6%BC%94%E5%8F%98(%E7%BB%84%E5%9B%BE).html [20.2.17].

Wanhuajing. “父辈们的婚礼:自行车接新娘相当于现在宝马 [The Weddings of Our Parents: Today’s BMW is the Bike that Picked Up the Bride Then]” Wanhuajing, Dec 29 http://m.wanhuajing.com/d673875 [19.2.17].

Women of China. 2009. “Changes in Chinese Weddings Over 60 Years.” Women of China, http://www.womenofchina.cn/womenofchina/html1/features/family/10/2641-1.htm [19.2.17].

Women of China. 2011. “‘Barometers’ of Fashion: Chinese Women’s Hairstyles Change; Reflect Altering Trends Over Past 60 Years.” Women of China, 14 Dec http://www.womenofchina.cn/womenofchina/html1/special/13/6006-1.htm [21.2.17].

YCWB. 2015. “婚礼中婚纱最耀眼 盘点中国婚纱的变化 [The Wedding Dress Is The Most Dazzling Part – Inventory of Chinese Wedding Changes].” YCWB, July 27 http://life.ycwb.com/2015-07/29/content_20473410.htm [19.2.17].

Yu, George T. 1993. China in Transition: Economic, Political, and Social Developments. Lanham: University Press of America.

©2017 Whatsonweibo. All rights reserved. Do not reproduce our content without permission – you can contact us at info@whatsonweibo.com

image_print

Manya Koetse is the editor-in-chief of www.whatsonweibo.com. She is a writer and consultant (Sinologist, MPhil) on social trends in China, with a focus on social media and digital developments, popular culture, and gender issues. Contact at manya@whatsonweibo.com, or follow on Twitter.

Advertisement
6 Comments

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Backgrounder

“Opposing Dog Meat Consumption Is Hypocritical” – Weibo Discussions on Anti-Dog Meat Protests

Eating dog meat is a personal choice, many commenters argue.

Manya Koetse

Published

on

Man eating dog meat during anti-dog meat protest; image via https://udn.com/news/story/6812/3928149

Last week’s anti-dog meat protests in South Korea have triggered discussions on Chinese social media on the status quo of the dog meat industry in China. An overview of the sentiments on social media and the background of dog eating in the PRC.

South Korea’s dog meat industry made headlines on Friday after protesters in Seoul, joined by actress Kim Basinger, called for an end to the decade-old dog meat trade in the country.

Not far from the protesters were farmers who raise dogs that are sold to restaurants. They brought steamed dog meat and ate it with kimchi (featured image).

In China, where the eating of dog meat has a long history, the Seoul protests triggered some discussions on social media.

The hashtags “Hundred People Gather in South Korea to Stop the Eating of Dog Meat” (#韩国百人集会呼吁停食狗肉#) and “Big Protest in South Korea against Eating of Dog Meat” (#韩国大规模抗议吃狗肉#) received over 83 million views.

In South Korea, the overall demand for dog meat has plummeted over the years. Earlier this month, one of the largest dog meat markets in the country, the Gupo dog meat market, was shut down. In November of 2018, Seongnam city already demolished South Korea’s largest dog slaughterhouse.

Friday’s protesters hope to shut down dog meat trade in the country completely. The latest protests have put the thorny issue of the dog meat industry back in the limelight.

 

HYPOCRITICAL PROTESTS?

“I don’t eat dog meat, but I don’t oppose it.”

 

On Chinese social media site Weibo, hundreds of netizens expressed their opinion on the matter, that has been a hot topic in China for years.

According to polls from the past and present, the topic of dog meat in China is clearly a divisive one.

But over the past few days a seeming majority of commenters on Weibo spoke out about the issue in a remarkably similar way, with thousands of netizens highlighting one issue in the matter: hypocrisy.

“I won’t oppose to the eating of dog meat,” one person writes: “Because if I support the anti-dog meat movement today, then tomorrow it will turn against the eating of cows, then the eating of pigs, and then the eating of fish..”

Many people on social media agree with this point of view, arguing that no matter one’s personal ideas about dog meat, condemning the dog meat practice in specific would be hypocritical: “Pigs are so cute, why do we eat pigs then?” many say, with others arguing: “Aren’t cows also spiritual animals?”

Dog meat restaurant in Jilin.

“I also raise dogs, I also love dogs,” another commenter says: “But I think that if they legally breed dogs for the dog meat [industry], then we have no right to prevent them from doing so.”

“I don’t eat dog meat, but I don’t oppose it, as long as it’s legal it’s ok,” with others writing: “I am opposed to the eating of any living creature.”

“Eating dog is not illegal, why all this sentimental nonsense? Why don’t you also defend chickens, ducks, geese, pigs, sheep, and cows?!”

“As long as they’re not abused, I don’t see a problem with it.”

“Dog meat is tasty,” one commenter from Zhejiang writes: “I like it, although I rarely eat it. I don’t see a problem with it, it’s a personal choice.”

 

SHORT OVERVIEW OF DOG EATING IN CHINA

“To them, dog meat was just like any other meat.”

 

The tradition of dog eating in China can be traced back as far as the Shang Dynasty (ca. 1558 to 1046 BC), when dog meat was considered a delicacy for the upper class.

Later on in Chinese history, during the Han Dynasty (202 BC-220 AD), it became more and more common until the practice saw a general decline, especially in northern China, during and after the tenth century (Li et al 2017, 513-514).

Despite the rising and declining popularity of dog meat throughout China’s history, the practice of eating dog has never completely disappeared, particularly in southern China.

In a book on China from 1878 by John Henry Gray, the author notes the popularity of restaurants serving dog and cat meat in ‘Canton’ (Guangzhou):

I do not think (..) that I exaggerate in saying that there are no fewer than twenty such places in Canton. Each restaurant contains only one public apartment. The approach to this dining-room is generally through the kitchen, where cooks may be seen standing in front of slow fires over which the flesh of cats and dogs is being cooked. The flesh is cut into small pieces and fried with water chestnuts and garlic in oil. In the windows of the restaurant dogs’ carcasses are suspended, for the purpose, I suppose, of attracting the attention of passengers” (75).

He further writes:

The flesh of black dogs and cats is generally preferred because it is supposed to possess more nutriment than that of cats and dogs of any other color. At Ying-tong, a suburban district of Canton, a fair is held at which dogs are sold for food; and in one of the streets dogs and cats are daily exposed for sale. The dogs are put to death by strangling, stabbing, or felling with clubs” (76).

Something that has not changed since the days described in Gray’s book is the belief in the medicinal benefits of dog meat.

Dog meat dish, via Sohu.com.

Especially in summer, dog’s flesh is believed to serve as an antidote against summer heat, and to be nutritious and beneficial as a source to enhance male virility or to boost the liver. Even at present, Chinese media promote the eating of dog meat to boost the immune system and help stimulate better blood circulation.

It should be noted that although China has a long history of dog meat consumption, it also has a long history of dog domestication and dog-human comradery. Dogs were pets, guarded the house, used in hunting, and also used in rituals of sacrifice.

Ceramic crouching dog, excavated from Henan burial site, dating from Han Dynasty, 206BC-220AD, Henan Museum.

Most of the 20th century (1900-1978) was a tough time for people in mainland China, and it was a tough time for dogs too. In many times, there was barely enough food to eat, and under Mao’s rule, dogs were considered “parasites” and were outlawed as pets (Coren 2018; Li et al 2017, 514).

Those who kept pets were seen as part of the ‘bourgeoisie,’ and during the Cultural Revolution, pet dogs were reportedly seized and beaten to death in front of their owners (Coren 2008, ch. 21).

Much has changed since those days. Although (stray) dogs, as carriers of diseases and potentially aggressive, are often still considered a drain on society, having a dog as a pet has become much more commonplace in China since the late 1980s and early 1990s.

Eating dog meat has become less popular, especially among young people in China, who have grown up very differently from their parents and have different perceptions of dogs.

Chinese writer Bang Xiao looks back on the first time his mother served him dog meat during Chinese New Year, writing:

For them, dog meat was just like any of the other meats, and coming from a generation who lived through famine and the Cultural Revolution, I was told I should be grateful. For me though, it meant I was eating my own pet Duo Duo. I cried.”

Later on, he writes about his parents:

They weren’t “dog eaters”. They were just people that happened to have a different history that led to different animals being on the menu.

 

THE YULIN DOG MEAT FESTIVAL

“Don’t go, don’t eat it, don’t pay attention to it.”

 

Despite the general unpopularity of dog meat in China, there is one time of the year when the discussions on the practice of dog eating flare up again, and that is during the Yulin Lychee & Dog Meat Festival, an annual event that’s been held over the past decade in the Chinese city of Yulin intended to generate income from tourism (Brown 2018).

Some 10,000 to 15,000 dogs and cats are slaughtered during the 10-day event that starts on June 21st every year. The event attracts hundreds of people every day. There is a restaurant strip and a market where dozens of vendors cook various dog meat dishes in large woks and where live dogs are sold and slaughtered.

Yulin, image via 轉角國際udn Global

Although the voices of those people protesting the festival seem to grow louder year on year, the dog meat festival continues. It is not illegal, and its economic benefits have become of crucial importance for many in the city of Yulin.

Vendor selling dog meat at the Yulin festival.

A 2016 media survey held among 2000 people from various ages and places in China found that 64% of the people opposed to the festival, 52% thinks that dog meat should be banned in China, and 70% said they had never had dog meat themselves.

“Don’t go, don’t eat it, don’t pay attention to it. When there’s no business, the killing will stop,” one Weibo commenter suggests.

 

A MURKY MARKET

“There does not seem to be a Chinese dog meat market that is both cruel-free and completely legal.”

 

Apart from Yulin, the eating of dog meat is barely a celebrated tradition in China anymore.

For a What’s on Weibo article from 2015, we could still find 122 restaurants listed as ‘dog meat’ specialty restaurants in the city of Beijing on restaurant site Dianping. But at present, Dianping no longer publicly lists any restaurants when searching for ‘dog meat’ specialty places (note that there still are restaurants serving dog meat, but they might not be listed due to controversy or for fear for activists).

China’s biggest e-commerce websites sell different herb mixes for dog stews or dog meat hotpots (see tweet below), but the market could hardly be called thriving.

Yet, despite all those people on Chinese social media saying that eating dog meat should not be a problem for those who still want to eat it, China’s dog meat market does actually have a problem.

China has no law that bans the eating of dogs; eating dog meat is a personal freedom. But what makes the issue murky and troublesome is that China actually has no large-scale legal dog farms, nor legal dog slaughterhouses.

The very few dog farms in existence in China would never be adequate to provide the meat for the industry in southern China, let alone for the estimated 10,000+ dogs slaughtered in Yulin every year.

It is therefore not clear where the dogs that are used for their meat in China come from. Are they stray dogs? Are they stolen from the streets? And if so, would this not be considered illegal (Brown 2018; Cao 2014; Yan 2015, 46)?

Every now and then scandals appear in the media of restaurants slaughtering and killing dogs that were actually people’s pets (for example, this scandal in Jilin in 2018 or in Chengdu this year).

Another issue making the dog meat market a problematic one is the cruel treatment of the dogs.

China has seen countless of food scandals over the years, and some of them involve the selling of poisoned dog meat. As a result, many people have a general distrust in (frozen) meat products and want to make sure they are consuming good quality meat.

Dog meat markets such as Yulin, therefore, often sell living dogs. They are virtually like ‘wet markets’ for dogs, where those who want to eat dog meat can do so with the assurance that the meat they are eating is fresh and safe. The dogs are slaughtered at the spot or are sold alive for home consumption (Brown 2018).

Image via BBC.com.

The process of being transported, being displayed in tiny cases in the summer heat, and being killed in often cruel ways all add to the enormous stress and pain the animals at the live dog market are suffering.

China currently has no laws from the perspective of animal welfare to minimize the pain and suffering during transport, the selling, or at the point of slaughter (Brown 2018).

For the aforementioned reasons and more, festivals such as the Yulin Dog Meat one are getting more controversial year on year, with more and more Chinese calling for a boycott and a ban.

 

DISTORTED DISCUSSIONS

“If you eat dog meat of unknown origin, you might be participating in the killing of someone else’s pet.”

 

As the discussions on dog meat in China are ongoing following the South Korea protests, one blogger posted a survey asking netizens if they support the eating of dog meat.

Despite the many commenters who also defend the practice of dog eating, a majority of 67% percent among the 32.000 participants said they do not support it as “dogs are our friends.”

A recurring sentiment expressed on Chinese social media on the issue is that there essentially is nothing wrong with eating dog meat – and that it would be hypocritical to only oppose to eating dog without also opposing eating sheep, cows, chickens, and so on – as long as it is legal, and as long as the dogs are not stolen, poisoned, or abused.

But that’s the whole issue at hand: all those things are in fact happening in the dog meat industry today. It is difficult to discuss the eating of dogs based on the hypothetical assumption that these things are not occurring.

Consumers are not buying (frozen) meat from legal dog farms and certified dog slaughterhouses, they are mostly buying living dogs or dog meat from unknown origins, and the process of selling and slaughtering often goes hand in hand with cruel treatment.

“I don’t oppose to eating dog, but I hate the dog trafficking market,” one person says. Another commenter agrees, writing: “I don’t oppose to the eating [of dogs] that are bred for it, but I do oppose to those who steal other people’s dogs. Most of the dog meat I’ve seen comes from unknown origins. (..) If you eat dog meat that you don’t know the origin of, you might be participating in the killing of someone else’s pet.”

For now, China and South Korea are very different when it comes to their dog meat industries and their (legal) changes. The countries do seem to have one thing in common, which is that the practice of eating dog meat is no longer popular among the younger generations.

This might suggest that as sales are dropping, the dog meat market will shrink and might eventually disappear altogether if there is no interest in it.

“Don’t hype the dog meat festival,” one Weibo commenter writes: “It’s the hype that made it big and that led to more dogs being killed.

This basically reiterates the advice of one of the aforementioned commenters: don’t go, don’t eat it, don’t pay attention to it, and the business will, eventually, die out.

Want to read more? Also see:

20 Facts About Dogs & Dog-Eating in China
The Yulin Dog Meat Festival: 10 Views From Chinese Netizens
Tradition or Abuse? Chinese Views on the Yulin Dog Meat Festival

By Manya Koetse

Want to see more articles such as these? Please donate to keep What’s on Weibo going.

References

Brown. Hannah. 2018. “Yulin Lychee and Dog Meat Festival: A Shift in Focus.” In: Tourism Experiences and Animal Consumption: Contested Values, Morality and Ethics, Carol Kline (eds), Chapter 15. London: Routledge.

Cao Yin. 2014. “Experts: Dog Meat Festival ‘Illegal’.” China Daily (June 16). Online at http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2014-06/16/content_17589087.htm [6.23.16].

Coren, Stanley. 2008. The Modern Dog: A Joyful Exploration of How We Live with Dogs Today. New York: Free Press.

–. 2018. “What Is China’s Current Attitude Concerning Dogs?” Psychology Today, Feb 21 https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/canine-corner/201802/what-is-chinas-current-attitude-concerning-dogs [7.15.19].

Gray, John Henry. 1878. China: A History of the Laws, Manners, and Customs of the People (Volume II). London: MacMillan & Co.

Li, P. J., Sun, J., & Yu, D. 2017. “Dog “Meat” Consumption in China: A Survey of the Controversial Eating Habit in Two Cities.” Society and Animals, 25(6), 513–532. http://doi.org/10.1163/15685306-12341471

Xiao, Bang. 2018. “Chinese New Year: Remembering how I first ate dog meat, and how differences bring us together.” ABC, February 17 https://www.abc.net.au/news/2018-02-17/chinese-dog-meat-eating-linked-to-history-of-famine/9454394 [7.15.19].

Yan Wei. 2015. “Dog Meat Festival: Traditional Custom or Abuse?” Beijing Review (29): 46-47.

Spotted a mistake or want to add something? Please let us know in comments below or email us. Please note that your comment below will need to be manually approved if you’re a first-time poster here.

©2019 Whatsonweibo. All rights reserved. Do not reproduce our content without permission – you can contact us at info@whatsonweibo.com

image_print
Continue Reading

Backgrounder

Over a Third of China’s Babies Are Delivered via C-Section – The National Health Commission Wants to Change That

Fear of pain is a major reason for nonmedical cesarian deliveries on maternal request.

Manya Koetse

Published

on

Image by Sohu News

China’s National Health Commission wants to lower the nation’s high C-section rates. On Chinese social media, many women argue it should be up to the mother to decide how she wants to give birth.

In 2018 the percentage of deliveries by cesarean was 36.7% in mainland China, according to the latest Report on Women’s & Children’s Health (中国妇幼健康事业发展报告) that was launched by the National Health Commission on May 27.

This means that together with Hong Kong, Taiwan, Brazil, Egypt, and Turkey, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) now has the highest C-section rates in the world.

A World Health Organization report from 2010 estimated that 46% of Chinese babies were delivered via C-section. In 2017, another study found that this percentage was incorrect, although some urban and wealthier regions in China, such as Shanghai, did see C-section (CS) rates as a high as 68% (Black & Bhattacharya 2018, 1; McNeil 2017).

China’s CS rates have recently become a hot topic in Chinese newspapers and on social media. On May 27, the National Health Commission of the People’s Republic of China held a Beijing news conference in which Qin Geng (秦耕), the director, announced that more actions will be taken to encourage natural childbirth among Chinese women.

Qin Geng during the press conference on May 27.

These actions will, among others, include stricter regulation of cesarian section operations and the provision of more support and pain relief for laboring women, as well as a higher hospital income for natural births. The National Health Comission hopes to significantly reduce the number of unneccesssary C-sections without medical indication in this way (Beijing News 2019; Caijing 2019).

Since 1985, the international healthcare community has considered 10-15% to be “the ideal rate” for C-sections, of which the highest percentage are those CS deliveries with medical indications that can actually save the lives of mothers and babies.

Although the worldwide rates for CS deliveries have increased throughout the years, there is no evidence for the benefits of nonmedically indicated C-sections for women or children, according to the World Health Organization.

This is not the first time Chinese authorities try to combat the country’s high CS rates. After reports by the World Health Organization from 2010 and 2015 pointing out the potential hazards of unnecessary C-sections, there have been various state efforts to reduce the number of nonmedical cesarian surgeries.

Besides the introduction of free prenatal education classes, these efforts included monitoring public hospital CS rates and removing bonuses or cutting portions of a hospital’s income once their CS rates reached a certain threshold (e.g. 40%) (Wang 2017, 3). These government initiatives seem to have had effect: the country’s C-section growth rates have slowed down, but were not decreasing yet.

Since the Chinese government announced an end to its one-child policy in 2015, lowering cesarean sections rates has become a more urgent matter, as Chinese couples are now allowed to have a second child.

Although various studies from mainland China and beyond challenge the idea that nonmedical C-sections are less ‘safe’ than vaginal births for single deliveries, this risk changes when a woman who previously had a CS section plans another pregnancy: multiple cesarean sections are associated with additional risks including CS scar rupture and abnormal placental invasion (Biler et al 2017, 1074; Black & Bhattacharya 2018, 2; Liu et al 2015, 817).

 

Why So Many C-sections in China?

 

But why does China have such a high cesarian delivery rate at all? Since the early 1990s, mainland China saw a more dramatic rise in CS rates than, for example, the USA; from less than 10% (with only 3.4% in 1988), China went to one of the highest in the world (Hellerstein 2011; Wolf 2018, 13).

The answer to why this is, is not so straightforward and relates to socio-economic changes as well as cultural factors that come into play.

One reason is that there is a general belief in the ‘safety’ of cesarian births that influence women’s choices for a (nonmedical and planned) C-section (Black & Bhattacharya 2017, 2).

An insightful study into this matter is that of researcher Eileen Wang (2017), who found that anxiety about giving birth and fear of pain is also a major reason for nonmedical cesarian deliveries on maternal request, especially considering that only a minority of Chinese women are given any form of pain relief during labor. Besides traditional concepts, this is also because China faces a shortage of anesthetists and because obstetricians are not always well-informed to prescribe other forms of pain medication (2017, 5).

As noted by Wang, epidurals are denied to laboring women not just because anesthesiologists are too busy, but also because of various other factors: different from a scheduled C-section on their agenda, they are not always available during nighttimes and in weekends to administer anesthesia to women in labor, do not have the time to monitor a patient for hours during labor (whereas a cesarean could be done in an hour), or were not even trained to administer epidurals (2017, 5).

“Giving labor without pain: removing mom’s fear for giving birth” – image by Chinese website http://www.8bb.com/huaiyun/1381.html.

According to Wang, the concerns about labor pain result in more requests for C-sections, both before and during labor. With relatively low awareness and availability of labor pain relief methods many Chinese women simply opt for a C-section as a way to control their pain.

But there are also other factors that contribute to the relatively high rate of women requesting C-sections for nonmedical reasons. One of them is the importance placed in the astrological calendar: having a baby on that one ‘lucky day’ or within that ‘lucky year’ is considered enough reason to plan a cesarian birth for many Chinese families.

In early 2015, ahead of the Chinese New Year, many women rushed to the hospital to make sure their baby was born in the Year of the Horse (2014) as the Year of the Goat (2015) was coming up. There is an old Chinese saying that nine out of ten people born in the Year of the Goat are incomplete and will suffer from great misfortune throughout their life (“十羊九不全”).

Another factor that leads to more cesareans on maternal request relates to the existing concerns among women that vaginal delivery will affect their figure or sex life (Wang 2017, 2).

 

Responses on Chinese Social Media

 

Since the Beijing news conference of May 27, the hashtag “Reducing Unnecessary Cesarean Section Surgery” (#减少非必需剖宫产手术#) has taken off on Chinese social media.

On Weibo, the hashtag page received 340 million views at time of writing. One thread about this topic even received over 28400 comments.

“What do you call ‘unnecessary cesarian’?” one of the most popular comments said: “Isn’t it that so many women in labor choose to have a C-section because natural childbirth is too painful?”

Other commenters also called for a normalization of pain relief in labor, saying that the high percentage of C-sections lies in the fact that Chinese women lack access to “wútòng fēnmiǎn” (无痛分娩) or “painless birth,” meaning vaginal delivery with pain relief.

Some Weibo users also stress that women should have the freedom of choice on how they wish to give birth, saying: “C-section or natural should be my own choice” and “If you leave me no choice I might as well not give birth at all.”

Multiple commenters write: “The lower the C-section rate, the higher the suicides,” referring to an incident that occurred in Shaanxi in 2017 when a pregnant woman committed suicide by jumping from the fifth floor of the hospital after she was allegedly denied a CS delivery.

Other Chinese netizens also complain about the fact that it seems to be men who are promoting the new policies to combat the high C-section rates, writing: “Isn’t there a way to have them suffer the pain of labor instead?”

In her study, scholar Eileen Wang also argues that the lack of pain relief is one of the major issues that should be addressed by policymakers who are hoping to reduce the number of C-sections in China. Further improving the childbirth experience by, for example, integrating a midwifery model, is also essential in making natural childbirth more attractive for Chinese women, Wang argues.

For now, many hospitals in China are still offering C-section “packages”: some prices start at RMB 5800 ($840) for a C-section, other hospitals have packages that start from RMB 88,000 ($12,741) including a three-day hospital stay in a private room.

“It’s a pregnant’s woman body, so she should decide how she wants to deliver her baby,” one commenter on Weibo writes: “It should be a woman’s right to decide.”

By Manya Koetse

References

Biler, A., Ekin, A., Ozcan, A., Inan, A. H., Vural, T., & Toz, E. 2017. “Is It Safe to Have Multiple Repeat Cesarean Sections? A High Volume Tertiary Care Center Experience.” Pakistan Journal of Medical Sciences 33(5): 1074–1079.

Black, Mairead & Sohinee Bhattacharya. 2018. “Cesarean Section in China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong— A Safe Choice for Women and Clinicians?” PLOS Medicine 15(10): 1-3.

Caijing. 2019. “卫健委:全国剖宫产率为36.7% 积极推广分娩镇痛.” Caijing , May 27 http://economy.caijing.com.cn/20190527/4591594.shtml [5.31.19].

Hellerstein, Susan Celia. 2011. “Cesarean Delivery in China Analysis of Cesarean Deliveries Without Indication.” The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists: 20s.

McNeil, Donald. 2017. “Study Finds Lower, but Still High, Rate of C-Sections in China.” New York Times, Jan 9 https://www.nytimes.com/2017/01/09/health/c-section-births-china.html [6.2.19].

Wang, Eileen. 2017. “Requests for Cesarean Deliveries: The Politics of Labor Pain and Pain Relief in Shanghai, China.” Social Science and Medicine (173): 1–8.

WHO. 2015. “WHO statement on caesarean section rates.” World Health Organization, April https://www.who.int/reproductivehealth/publications/maternal_perinatal_health/cs-statement/en/ [6.2.19].

Wolf, Jacqueline H. 2018. Cesarean Section – An American History of Risk, Technology, and Consequence. Baltimore, Maryland: Johns Hopkins University Press.

Featured image by Sohu News.

Spotted a mistake or want to add something? Please let us know in comments below or email us. Please note that your comment below will need to be manually approved if you’re a first-time poster here.

©2019 Whatsonweibo. All rights reserved. Do not reproduce our content without permission – you can contact us at info@whatsonweibo.com

image_print
Continue Reading
Advertisement
Advertisement

Support What’s on Weibo

If you enjoy What’s on Weibo and support the way we report the latest trends in China, you could consider becoming a What's on Weibo patron:
Donate

Facebook

Instagram

Advertisement

Contribute

Got any tips? Suggestions? Or want to become a contributor? Email us as at info@whatsonweibo.com.

Popular Reads