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Follow the Leaders: These Are All the Members of China’s 20th Central Committee & Politburo Standing Committee

Full list of names including the members of China’s new 20th Central Committee, the Politburo, and its Standing Committee.

Manya Koetse

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PREMIUM CONTENT ARTICLE

Which Party members will lead China in the next five years? These are the names you need to know: all the full members of China’s new Central Committee, the Politburo, and its Standing Committee.

The 20th Party Congress has concluded and China’s new leadership for the next five years has been revealed. All of the new full and alternate members of the 20th Central Committee were announced on October 22 and a day later, on October 23rd, the new seven-member Politburo Standing Committee was unveiled.

As was widely expected, Xi Jinping will continue his third five-year term as leader.

The lists with new member names went trending on Chinese social media. On Weibo alone, the hashtag “20th Central Committee Members List” (#二十届中央委员会委员名单#) received a staggering 580 million clicks within two days time. There were also other trending hashtags during the weekend of the closing session of the 20th Party Congress, such as “The Resumes of the New Politburo Standing Committee Members” (#新一届中央政治局常委简历#).

The Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (中国共产党中央委员会) is, theoretically, the highest authority within the Party pyramid, and its members (generally 170-205 full members) are nominally elected every five years by the National Party Congress. It is the primary authority of the Central Committee to elect the Politburo (中国共产党中央政治局), which actually is the top decision-making body in the Party (21-25 members).

Among the members of the Politburo are those of the Standing Committee (中国共产党中央政治局常务委员会), which basically is the core leadership of the Party (generally 5-11 members, including the Party General Secretary). This is the list of names that everyone has been mostly waiting to see this week.

Here, we will list the member names of China’s new 20th Central Committee, the Politburo, and its Standing Committee. We have put them in alphabetical order, based on the first letter of their written in pinyin, and have included all names in characters.

 

The 20th Central Committee (Full Members)

Noteworthy:
The 19th Central Committee was composed of 204 full members (among them only 10 women), this 20th Central Committee list contains 205 full members and 11 of them are women.
– Nine of these members come from a minority ethnic group, including one Uyghur.
– Premier Li Keqiang and the head of the National People’s Congress, Li Zhanshu, the second- and third-highest ranking officials in the party, have not been included, neither have Wang Yang, the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference chairman and Vice-Premier Han Zheng.

Abbreviations:
– CMC = Central Military Commission
– CPC = Communist Party of China
– CSSC = China State Shipbuilding Corporation
– PLA = People’s Liberation Army

(The 171 alternate members of the 20th Central Committee, who do not have voting rights, have not been listed here).

1. Bate’er 巴特尔 (Mongolian) (Vice Chairperson of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference)
2. Cai Jianjiang 蔡剑江 (Director of the Office of the Central Air Traffic Management Commission)
3. Cai Qi 蔡奇 (New Politburo Standing Committee member, Party Secretary of Beijing)
4. Chang Dingqiu 常丁求 (PLA General, Commander of PLA Air Force)
5. Chen Gang 陈刚 (Party Secretary of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions)
6. Chen Jining 陈吉宁 (New Politburo member, Deputy Party Secretary, Mayor of Beijing)
7. Chen Min’er 陈敏尔 (18th-20th Politburo member, Party Chief of Chongqing)
8. Chen Wenqing 陈文清 (New Politburo member, Ministry of State Security Minister, Party Secretary)
9. Chen Xiaojiang 陈小江 (Executive Deputy Head of the United Front Work Department of the CPC Central Committee)
10. Chen Xu 陈旭 (female) (Deputy Head of the CPC United Front Work Department, Director of the Overseas Chinese Affairs Office)
11. Chen Yixin 陈一新 (Secretary-General of the Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission)
12. Cheng Lihua 程丽华 (female) (Deputy Secretary of Anhui Provincial Party Committee)
13. Ding Xuedong 丁学东 (Deputy Secretary-General of the State Council of the People’s Republic of China)
14. Ding Xuexiang 丁薛祥 (New Politburo Standing Committee member, a senior aide to Xi Jinping)
15. Dong Jun 董军 (PLA Admiral, Commander of the People’s Liberation Army Navy)
16. Erkin Tuniyaz 艾尔肯·吐尼亚孜 (Uyghur) (Chairman of Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region)
17. Feng Fei 冯飞 (Governor of Hainan)
18. Fu Hua 傅华 (President of Xinhua News Agency)
19. Gao Xiang 高翔 (Vice President, Deputy Secretary of the Party core group of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences)
20. Gao Zhidan 高志丹 (Director of the State General Administration of Sports)
21. Gong Zheng 龚正 (Mayor and Deputy Communist Party Secretary of Shanghai Municipality)
22. Guo Puzheng 郭普校 (Political Commissar to the PLA Air Force)
23. Han Jun 韩俊 (Governor of Jilin Province)
24. Han Wenxiu 韩文秀 (Deputy Director, Research Office of the State Council)
25. Hao Peng 郝鹏 (Chairman and Party Committee Secretary of the State-owned Assets Supervision and Administration Commission)
26. He Hongjun 何宏军 (PLA Lieutenant General)
27. He Junke 贺军科 (First Secretary of the Communist Youth League of China)
28. He Lifeng 何立峰 (New Politburo member, head of the National Development and Reform Commission)
29. He Rong (female) 贺荣 (Deputy Chief Justice, Executive Vice president of the Supreme People’s Court of China)
30. He Weidong 何卫东 (New Politburo member, Commander of the CMC’s Joint Command Centre)
31. Hou Jianguo 侯建国 (former President of the University of Science and Technology of China)
32. Hou Kai 侯凯 (Member of Standing Committee of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, Auditor General of the National Audit Office)
33. Hu Changsheng 胡昌升 (Governor of Heilongjiang)
34. Hu Chunhua 胡春华 (former Politburo member, Vice Premier of the People’s Republic of China)
35. Hu Henghua 胡衡华 (Deputy Party Secretary and Mayor of Chongqing)
36. Hu Heping 胡和平 (Party Secretary of Ministry of Culture and Tourism)
37. Hu Yuting 胡玉亭 (Deputy Secretary of the Liaoning Provincial Committee)
38. Hu Zhongming 胡中明 (PLA Vice Admiral, Chief of Staff of the PLA Navy)
39. Huai Jinpeng 怀进鹏 (Party Secretary of the China Association for Science and Technology)
40. Huang Jianfa 黄建发 (Deputy Secretary of the Zhejiang Provincial Party Committee)
41. Huang Kunming 黄坤明 (19th/20th Politburo member, head of the CPC Publicity Department)
42. Huang Ming 黄铭 (PLA Lieutenant General, Chief of Staff of the PLA)
43. Huang Qiang 黄强 (Governor of Sichuan Province)
44. Huang Shouhong 黄守宏 (Director of the State Council Research Office)
45. Huang Xiaowei 黄晓薇 (female) (Party Decretary of the All-China Women’s Federation)
46. Jin Xiangjun 金湘军 (Deputy Mayor of Tianjin)
47. Jin Zhuanglong 金壮龙 (Minister of Industry and Information Technology)
48. Jing Junhai 景俊海 (Governor of Jilin)
49. Ju Qiansheng 巨乾生 (PLA General, Commander of the PLA Strategic Support Force)
50. Lan Fo’an 蓝佛安 (Governor of Shanxi)
51. Lan Tianli 蓝天立 (Zhuang ethnic group) (Chairman, Deputy Party Chief of Guangxi)
52. Lei Fanpei 雷凡培 (former Party Secretary, Chairman of CSSC)
53. Li Bingjun 李炳军 (Governor of Guizhou Province)
54. Li Fengbiao 李凤彪 (PLA General, Political commissar of the Western Theater Command)
55. Li Ganjie 李干杰 (New Politburo member, Party Secretary of Shandong)
56. Li Guoying 李国英 (Governor of Anhui province)
57. Li Hongzhong 李鸿忠 (also 19th/20th Politburo member, Tianjin Party Secretary)
58. Li Lecheng 李乐成 (Governor of Liaoning)
59. Li Qiang 李强 (New Politburo Standing Committee member, 19th/20th Politburo member and Party Secretary of Shanghai)
60. Li Qiaoming 李桥铭 (PLA General, former commander of the Northern Theater Command)
61. Li Shangfu 李尚福 (PLA General, Head of the Equipment Development Department of the Central Military Commission)
62. Li Shulei 李书磊 (New Politburo member, Executive Deputy Head of the Publicity Department)
63. Li Wei 李伟 (former Director of the Development Research Center of the State Council)
64. Li Xi 李希 (New Politburo Standing Committee member, 19th/20th Politburo member and Party Secretary of Guangdong, Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection)
65. Li Xiaohong 李晓红 (President of the Chinese Academy of Engineering)
66. Li Xiaoxin 李小新 (female) (Vice Minister of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee (ODCPC)
67. Li Yi 李屹 (Party branch Secretary, Vice president of China Federation of Literary and Art Circles)
68. Li Yifei 李邑飞 (Deputy Secretary of the Party Committee of Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region)
69. Li Yuchao 李玉超 (PLA General, Commander of PLA Rocket Force)
70. Liang Huiling 梁惠玲 (female) (Chair of the All-China Federation of Supply and Marketing Cooperatives)
71. Liang Yanshun 梁言顺 (Party Secretary of Ningxia)
72. Lin Wu 林武 (Party Secretary of Shanxi)
73. Lin Xiangyang 林向阳 (PLA General, Commander of Eastern Theater Command)
74. Liu Faqing 刘发庆 (PLA Lieutenant General, Secretary-General of National Defense Mobilization Commission)
75. Liu Guozhong 刘国中 (New Politburo Member, Party Secretary of Shaanxi)
76. Liu Haixing 刘海星 (Deputy Director in the Office of the National Security Commission)
77. Liu Jianchao 刘建超 (Director of the International Liaison Department of the CPC)
78. Liu Jinguo 刘金国 (Deputy Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection)
79. Liu Junchen 刘俊臣 (Deputy Secretary of Party Organs Working Committee)
80. Liu Ning 刘宁 (Party Secretary of Guangxi)
81. Liu Qingsong 刘青松 (PLA Admiral, Political Commissar of the Northern Theater Command)
82. Liu Wei 刘伟 (Chairman of the CPPCC Henan Committee)
83. Liu Xiaoming 刘小明 (former Ambassador of China to the United Kingdom)
84. Liu Zhenli 刘振立 (PLA General, Commander of the PLA Ground Force)
85. Lou Yangsheng 楼阳生 (Party Secretary of Henan Province)
86. Lu Hao 陆昊 (Party Branch Secretary of Development Research Center of the State Council)
87. Lu Zhiyuan 陆治原 (Deputy Secretary of Shandong Provincial Committee, Secretary of Qingdao Municipal Committee)
88. Luo Wen 罗文 (Head of China’s State General Administration for Market Regulation)
89. Ma Xiaowei马晓伟 (National Health Commission Director, Vice President of the Red Cross Society of China)
90. Ma Xingrui 马兴瑞 (New Politburo member, Xinjiang Party Secretary, former Guangdong governor)
91. Mao Weiming 毛伟明 (Governor of Hunan Province)
92. Meng Fanli 孟凡利 (Party Secretary of Shenzhen, Deputy Party Secretary of Guangdong)
93. Meng Xiangfeng 孟祥锋 (Executive Deputy Director of the General Office of CPC)
94. Miao Hua 苗华 (19th/20th CC, Admiral of the Chinese PLA Navy, Director of Political Work Department of Central Military Commission)
95. Ni Hong 倪虹 (Minister of Housing and Urban-Rural Development)
96. Ni Yuefeng 倪岳 峰 (Party Secretary of Hebei)
97. Nurlan Abelmanjen 努尔兰·阿不都满金 (Kazakh) (Chairman of the Xinjiang Regional Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference)
98. Pan Yue 潘岳 (Minister of the State Ethnic Affairs Commission)
99. Pei Jinjia 裴金佳 (Minister of Veterans Affairs)
100. Qi Yu 齐玉 (Secretary of the CPC Committee of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs)
101. Qin Gang 秦刚 (Chinese Ambassador to the United States)
102. Qin Shutong 秦树桐 (PLA General, Political Commissar of the PLA Ground Force)
103. Qu Qingshan 曲青山 (President of the Institute of Party History and Literature of the Central Committee of CPC)
104. Ren Zhenhe 任振鹤 (Tujia ethnic group) (Governor of Gansu Province)
105. Shen Chunyao 沈春耀 (Chairperson of the Legislative Affairs Committee of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress)
106. Shen Haixiong 慎海雄 (Propaganda Chief of Guangdong Province)
107. Shen Xiaoming 沈晓明 (former Governor of Hainan)
108. Shen Yiqing 谌贻琴 (female, Bai ethnic group) (Communist Party Secretary of Guizhou)
109. Shen Yueyue 沈跃跃 (female) (President of the All-China Women’s Federation)
110. Shi Taifeng 石泰峰 (New Politburo member, President of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences)
111. Sun Jinlong 孙金龙 (Party Branch Secretary of the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps)
112. Sun Shaocheng 孙绍骋 (Party Secretary of Inner Mongolia)
113. Tang Dengjie 唐登杰 (Minister of Civil Affairs)
114. Tang Renjian 唐仁健 (Governor of Gansu Province)
115. Tie Ning 铁凝 (female) (President of the China Writers Association)
116. Tong Jianming 童建明 (Grand Prosecutor and first Deputy Prosecutor General of the Supreme People’s Procuratorate)
117. Tuo Zhen 庹震 (President of the People’s Daily)
118. Wan Lijun 万立骏 (researcher, former President of the University of Science and Technology of China)
119. Wang Chunning 王春宁 (PLA General, Commander of the People’s Armed Police)
120. Wang Dongming 王东明 (Vice Chairman of the Standing Committee, Chairman of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions)
121. Wang Guanghua 王广华 (Minister of Natural Resources)
122. Wang Haijiang (PLA General, Commander of Western Theater Command)
123. Wang Hao 王浩 (Governor of Zhejiang)
124. Wang Huning 王沪宁 (Politburo Standing Committee since 2017, 19th/20th Politburo member, First Secretary of the Secretariat of the Chinese Communist Party)
125. Wang Junzheng 王君正 (Communist Party Secretary of Tibet)
126. Wang Kai 王凯 (Governor of Henan Province)
127. Wang Kai 王凯 (Lieutenant General of the PLA)
128. Wang Lixia 王莉霞 (female, Mongolian) (Deputy Party Chief, Party branch Secretary, Chairwoman of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region)
129. Wang Menghui 王蒙徽 (Communist Party Secretary of Hubei)
130. Wang Ning 王宁 (Party Secretary of Yunnan)
131. Wang Peng 王鹏 (Vice President and Chief of Education of the People’s Liberation Army National Defence University)
132. Wang Qiang 王强 (PLA General, Commander of the North Sea Fleet)
133. Wang Qingxian 王清宪 (Governor of Anhui)
134. Wang Renhua 王仁华 (Vice Admiral of the PLA, Secretary of the Political and Legal Affairs Commission of the Central Military Commission)
135. Wang Shouwen 王受文 (China International Trade Representative, Vice Minister of Commerce)
136. Wang Weizhong 王伟中 (Deputy Party Secretary, Governor of Guangdong)
137. Wang Wenquan 王文全 (Political Commissar of the Joint Logistics Support Unit of the Central Military Commission)
138. Wang Wentao 王文涛 (Minister of Commerce)
139. Wang Xiangxi 王祥喜 (Minister of Emergency Management)
140. Wang Xiaohong 王小洪 (Party Secretary, Minister of Public Security)
141. Wang Xiaohui 王晓晖 (Party Secretary of Sichuan)
142. Wang Xiubin 王秀斌 (PLA General, Commander of the Southern Theater Command)
143. Wang Yi 王毅 (New Politburo member, State Councillor and Foreign Minister)
144. Wang Yong 王勇 (Chinese State Councilor)
145. Wang Yubo 王予波 (Governor of Yunnan Province)
146. Wang Zhengpu 王正谱 (Governor of Hebei)
147. Wang Zhijun 王志军 (Vice Minister of the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology)
148. Wang Zhonglin 王忠林 (Governor of Hubei)
149. Wu Hansheng 吴汉圣 (Deputy Secretary of Work Committee of Central Government in charge of Daily Work)
150. Wu Xiaojun 吴晓军 (Governor of Qinghai)
151. Wu Yanan 吴亚男 (General of the PLA, Commander of the Central Theater Command)
152. Wu Zhenglong 吴政隆 (Secretary of Jiangsu)
153. Xi Jinping 习近平 (General Secretary of the Party, President PRC, Chairman of the Central Military Commission)
154. Xiao Jie 肖捷 (State Councilor, Secretary General of the State Council)
155. Xiao Pei 肖培 (Deputy Secretary of the CPC Committee for Discipline and Inspection)
156. Xie Chuntao 谢春涛 (Vice President of the Central Party School of the Chinese Communist Party)
157. Xin Changxing 信长星 (Party Secretary of Qinghai)
158. Xu Deqing 徐德清 (General of PLA, Political Commissar of the Central Theater Command)
159. Xu Kunlin 许昆林 (Governor of Jiangsu)
160. Xu Lin 徐麟 (Director of the National Radio and Television Administration)
161. Xu Qiling 徐起零 (General of the PLA)
162. Xu Qin 许勤 (Former Governor of Hebei)
163. Xu Xisheng 徐西盛 (Political Commissar of Southern Theater Command Air Force)
164. Xu Xueqiang 许学强 (General of the PLA, President of PLA National Defence University)
165. Xu Zhongbo 徐忠波 (PLA General, Political Commissar of PLA Army Rocket Force)
166. Yan Jinhai (Tibetan) (Chairman of Tibet Autonomous Region)
167. Yang Cheng 杨诚 (Lieutenant General of the PLA, Political Commissar of the Xinjiang Military District)
168. Yang Xuejun 杨学军 (President of the PLA Academy of Military Science)
169. Yang Zhiliang 杨志亮 (Vice Admiral of the PLA Navy, Political Commissar of the South Sea Fleet)
170. Ye Jianchun 叶建春 (Governor of Jiangxi)
171. Yi Huiman 易会满 (Head of the China Securities and Regulatory Commission)
172. Yi Lianhong 易炼红 (Party Secretary of Jiangxi)
173. Yin Hejun 阴和俊 (Deputy Secretary of the Party Committee of the Chinese Academy of Sciences)
174. Yin Hong 尹弘 (former Governor of Henan Province)
175. Yin Li 尹力 (New Politburo member / Communist Party Secretary of Fujian)
176. Yin Yong 殷勇 (Deputy Prosecutor-General of the Supreme People’s Procuratorate)
177. Ying Yong (deputy party chief of the municipality of Beijing and a former deputy governor of the People’s Bank of China)
178. Yu Jianhua 俞建华 (Head of the General Administration of Customs)
179. Yu Qingjiang 俞庆江 (Lieutenant General of the PLA Air Force, Chief of Staff of PLA)
180. Yuan Huazhi 袁华智 (Admiral and Political Commissar of the PLA)
181. Yuan Jiajun 袁家军 (New Politburo member, Zhejiang Party Secretary)
182. Zhang Gong 张工 (Mayor of Tianjin)
183. Zhang Guoqing 张国清 (New Politburo member, Party Secretary of Liaoning)
184. Zhang Hongbing 张红兵 (PLA Political Commissar)
185. Zhang Hongsen 张宏森 (Party Branch Secretary of China Writers Association)
186. Zhang Jun 张军 (Procurator-General of the Supreme People’s Procuratorate)
187. Zhang Lin 张林 (Head of the Logistic Support Department of the Central Military Commission)
188. Zhang Qingwei 张庆伟 (Secretary of Hunan, former Governor of Hebei)
189. Zhang Shengmin 张升民 (Secretary of the Commission for Discipline Inspection of the Central Military Commission of PLA)
190. Zhang Youxia 张又侠 (19th/20th Politburo member, General in the PLA, second-ranked Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission)
191. Zhang Yupu 张雨浦 (Hui) (Chairman of Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region)
192. Zhang Yuzhuo 张玉卓 (Party branch secretary of the China Association for Science and Technology)
193. Zhao Gang 赵刚 (Member Standing Committee of Zaozhuang Municipal Committee)
194. Zhao Leji 赵乐际 (Politburo member since 2012, secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, former Head of the CPC Organization Department)
195. Zhao Long 赵龙 (Governor of Fujian)
196. Zhao Xiaozhe 赵晓哲 (Vice Admiral of PLA and Director of Science and Technology Committee of the Central Military Commission)
197. Zhao Yide 赵一德 (Governor of Shaanxi, former Governor/Deputy Secretary of Hebei)
198. Zheng Shanjie 郑栅洁 (Governor/Deputy Party Secretary of Zhejiang and Party Secretary of Ningbo)
199. Zheng Xincong 郑新聪 (Director of Liaison Office in Macau, former Deputy Governor Fujian)
200. Zhong Shaojun 钟绍军 (aide of Xi Jinping, Director of the General Office of the Central Military Commission of People’s Liberation Army)
201. Zhou Naixiang 周乃翔 (Governor of Shandong)
202. Zhou Qiang 周强 (Chief Justice and President of the Supreme People’s Court of China)
203. Zhou Zuyi 周祖翼 (Minister of Human Resources and Social Security)
204. Zhuang Rongwen 庄荣文 (Director of the Cyberspace Administration of China)
205. Zou Jiayi 邹加怡 (female) (Vice Minister of the Ministry of Finance)

 

20th Politburo Members

Noteworthy:
– For the first time in 25 years, there are no female members in this list.

1. Cai Qi 蔡奇 (New Politburo Standing Committee member, Party Secretary of Beijing)
2. Chen Jining 陈吉宁 (New Politburo member, Deputy Party Secretary and mayor of Beijing)
3. Chen Min’er 陈敏尔 (18th-20th Politburo member and party chief of Chongqing)
4. Chen Wenqing 陈文清 (New Politburo member, Ministry of State Security Minister&Party Secretary)
5. Ding Xuexiang 丁薛祥 (New Politburo Standing Committee member, a senior aide to Xi Jinping)
6. He Lifeng 何立峰 (New Politburo member, head of the National Development and Reform Commission)
7. He Weidong 何卫东 (New Politburo member, Commander of the CMC’s Joint Command Centre)
8. Huang Kunming 黄坤明 (19th/20th Politburo member, head of the CPC Publicity Department)
9. Li Ganjie 李干杰 (New Politburo member, Party Secretary of Shandong)
10. Li Hongzhong 李鸿忠 (also 19th/20th Politburo member, Tianjin Party Secretary)
11. Li Qiang 李强 (New Politburo Standing Committee member, 19th/20th Politburo member and Party Secretary of Shanghai)
12. Li Shulei 李书磊 (New Politburo member, Executive Deputy Head of the Publicity Department)
13. Li Xi 李希 (New Politburo Standing Committee member, 19th/20th Politburo member and Party Secretary of Guangdong, Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection)
14. Liu Guozhong 刘国中 (New Politburo Member, Party Secretary of Shaanxi)
15. Ma Xingrui 马兴瑞 (New Politburo member, Xinjiang Party Secretary, former Guangdong governor)
16. Shi Taifeng 石泰峰 (New Politburo member, President of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences)
17. Wang Huning 王沪宁 (Politburo Standing Committee since 2017, 19th/20th Politburo member, First Secretary of the Secretariat of the Chinese Communist Party)
18. Wang Yi 王毅 (New Politburo member, State Councillor and Foreign Minister)
19. Xi Jinping 习近平 (General Secretary of the Party, President PRC, Chairman of the Central Military Commission)
20. Yin Li 尹力 (New Politburo member, Party Secretary of Fujian)
21. Yuan Jiajun 袁家军 (New Politburo member, Zhejiang Party Secretary)
22. Zhang Guoqing 张国清 (New Politburo member, Party Secretary of Liaoning)
23. Zhang Youxia 张又侠 (19th/20th Politburo member, General in the PLA, second-ranked Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission)
24. Zhao Leji 赵乐际 (Politburo member since 2012, secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, former Head of the CPC Organization Department)

 

20th Politburo Standing Committee

Noteworthy:
– Four of the members are new to the Standing Committee.
– Li Keqiang, Wang Yang, Wang Qishan, and Li Zhanshu are gone from the Standing Committee.
– No female members – there never have been in the Standing Committee.

1. Cai Qi 蔡奇 (New Politburo Standing Committee member, Party Secretary of Beijing)
2. Ding Xuexiang 丁薛祥 (New Politburo Standing Committee member, a senior aide to Xi Jinping)
3. Li Qiang 李强 (New Politburo Standing Committee member, 19th/20th Politburo member and Party Secretary of Shanghai)
4. Li Xi 李希 (New Politburo Standing Committee member, 19th/20th Politburo member and Party Secretary of Guangdong, Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection)
5. Xi Jinping 习近平 (General Secretary of the Party, President PRC, Chairman of the Central Military Commission)
6. Wang Huning 王沪宁 (Politburo Standing Committee since 2017, 19th/20th Politburo member, First Secretary of the Secretariat of the Chinese Communist Party)
7. Zhao Leji 赵乐际 (Politburo member since 2012, secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, former Head of the CPC Organization Department)

For more about the Party Congress, check our other articles here.

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By Manya Koetse 

Sources (other sources linked to inside text)

Reuters. 2022. “Factbox: China’s new elite Communist Party leadership.” Reuters, Oct 23 https://www.reuters.com/world/china/chinas-new-elite-communist-party-leadership-2022-10-23/ [Oct 23 2022].

Sullivan, Lawrence R. 2012. Historical Dictionary of the Chinese Communist Party. Lanham: The Scarecrow Press. See page: 3-43, 208.

Saich, Tony. 2004. Governance and Politics of China. Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan. See page: 97.

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Manya Koetse is a sinologist, writer, and public speaker specializing in China’s social trends, digital culture, and online media ecosystems. She founded What’s on Weibo in 2013 and now runs the Eye on Digital China newsletter. Learn more at manyakoetse.com or follow her on X, Instagram, or LinkedIn.

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If it walks like a duck and quacks like a duck, it might still be a goose – or the other way around. That, at least, is the takeaway from two stories that recently went viral on Chinese social media.

The woman at the center of it all is Beijing street-food vendor Chen Xiufeng (陈秀凤), better known as “Auntie Goose Legs” (鹅腿阿姨). Over the years, she became something of a local celebrity in Beijing’s university district. Originally from Jiangsu, the migrant vendor had been selling her famous roasted goose legs to students since 2011.

She skyrocketed to national fame in 2023 , but became the target of widespread criticism last week after it was revealed that her celebrated goose legs – sold for 16 yuan ($2.20) per piece – were actually duck meat all along.

The controversy came up after the vendor ventured beyond the university area into Beijing’s business district. At the universities, she enjoyed a loyal customer base and dedicated WeChat groups. In her new market, however, customers proved more skeptical. Some noticed that the meat looked suspiciously duck-like; others complained that the color seemed off.

In the university district, Auntie Goose Legs she enjoyed a loyal customer base and dedicated WeChat groups.

After the first complaints surfaced, Auntie Goose Legs admitted the truth on WeChat on June 9.

“The ingredients I originally used were goose legs,” she wrote, “but they have been out of stock for more than fifteen years. The current ingredient is duck legs.”

It turned out that she had only sold goose legs, the product that made her famous, for two months back in 2011 before switching to the much cheaper duck. “Did geese become extinct without us knowing?” some netizens joked.

The revelation quickly exploded online. The hashtag “What Auntie Goose Legs is Selling Turns Out to be Duck Legs” (#鹅腿阿姨卖的是鸭腿#) became the top trending on Weibo for an entire day, with millions of people discussing the topic.

 

Why did millions of people become so outraged over a single Beijing street vendor selling duck instead of goose?

 

Piggybacking on the debate, Anhui-based commentators pointed out that a beloved regional specialty has the exact opposite ‘problem.’ Wuwei smoked duck (无为板鸭) is branded as duck, but is usually goose. According to local standards, however, goose products may be sold under this name, prompting discussions about “hanging up a goat’s head, while selling dog meat“ (挂羊头卖狗肉): advertising one thing while selling another.

Because geese are more expensive than ducks in China, and generally considered tastier, the Anhui duck-is-goose story, unlike the Auntie Goose Legs controversy, did not provoke online anger. Instead, many people saw it as an example of sellers prioritizing flavor over cost. Auntie Goose Legs is seen as doing the exact opposite.

But why did millions of people actually become so outraged over a single Beijing street vendor selling duck instead of goose, especially when there were no indications that anyone became ill? The answer has little to do with poultry and everything to do with trust.

Auntie Goose Legs during the prime time in Beijing’s University District in late 2023 (image via Lianhe Zaobao 联合早报).

Food fraud and mislabeling have been longstanding concerns in China. Earlier surveys found that food safety worries even outweighed concerns about public security and environmental issues, and while China’s food safety record has improved in recent years, public trust remains fragile.

Part of these concerns are immediate and practical. Major scandals in the past involving melamine-tainted infant formula or recycled “gutter oil” have posed serious risks to public health. But the issue goes beyond health risks alone.

 

If a goose can be a duck, then what exactly is the duck?

 

Whereas food safety concerns in many Western countries often focus on contamination, Chinese consumers are frequently just as concerned with economic deception. It is unfair to pay for a more expensive goose and receive a duck. Even if no one gets sick, Chinese consumer law still treats it as fraud.

More important, however, is what such deception does to confidence in the broader food system. If a goose can be a duck, then what exactly is the duck?

As a major 2023 college canteen scandal demonstrated, the build-up of deceit can reach a breaking point among the public. During that somewhat Kafkaesque “rat head or duck neck” (鼠头or鸭脖”事件) controversy, officials insisted a rat head found in a student’s rice was merely a “duck neck,” even though everyone could clearly see the snout and teeth of a rodent.

This kind of gaslighting shatters social trust and reinforces a generalized sense that, as a consumer, you are entirely on your own. When regulators fail to step in honestly, even a seemingly isolated incident comes to symbolize more dangerous forms of systemic food fraud.

And this is where the Auntie Goose Legs story stings the most.

People did not come to her simply because her food was good. Over the years, she had become part of local student life, and she felt safe and authentic. Her pink scooter helmet, which she continued to wear while working, became an iconic symbol of her no-nonsense and humble image. Her success was built on word of mouth and, above all, on the trust her customers placed in her.

That this particular “auntie” deceived her customers by selling a different product than the one she advertised is no longer really about her. If duck is goose, goose is duck, and your local auntie has deceived you for years, then who can you trust anymore?

 

  • Read more about how Auntie Goose Legs rose to fame in 2023 here.

 

By Manya Koetse
(follow on X, LinkedIn, or Instagram)

Spotted a mistake or want to add something? Please let us know in comments below or email us. First-time commenters, please be patient – we will have to manually approve your comment before it appears.

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China Arts & Entertainment

The Reunification with Taiwan is Hitting Chinese Cinemas This Summer

A new state-backed epic about the Qing conquest of Taiwan is stirring debate. Plus: the Shanxi mine disaster, a controversial prison film, hukou reform, and China’s top 5 rising books.

Manya Koetse

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🔥 China Trend Watch (Week 21–22 | 2026) Part of Eye on Digital China by Manya Koetse, China Trend Watch is an overview of what’s trending and being discussed on Chinese social media.


In this edition:

  • China’s upcoming Taiwan reunification blockbuster
  • 8 Quick Scrolls to Know
  • The Liushenyu coal mine disaster exposes hidden tunnels, “yin-yang maps,” and systemic safety failures
  • A controversial prison film starring a convicted killer is pulled from cinemas
  • China announces major hukou reforms
  • China’s Top 5 Rising Books
  • Why everyone is saying: “I genuinely did feel uncomfortable”

 


 

Chinese cinema is “riding the winds of history.”[1] While the biggest films of the 2025 summer movie season focused on the Second Sino-Japanese War, this year, it is China’s military campaign to take Taiwan that is heading to the big screen.

The movie Battle of Penghu (澎湖海战), scheduled to premiere in mainland China on July 25, is a state-backed historical epic centered on the major naval battle that ultimately led to the Qing conquest of Taiwan.

Over the past week, the film held its first full preview screenings, released its theatrical trailer, unveiled a series of posters, and triggered online discussions.

The film’s narrative and promotional slogans make clear that its timing is neither coincidental nor merely historical. The movie is deeply entangled with contemporary cross-strait politics and Beijing’s message that unification with Taiwan is inevitable and “unstoppable.”

The “Battle of Penghu”, also known as the Battle of the Pescadores, took place in 1683, when Qing dynasty admiral Shi Lang (施琅) defeated the forces of the Zheng regime in Taiwan, which was basically the last big Ming loyalist center after Beijing had already fallen in 1644. Shi Lang’s victory at sea led to the Zheng regime’s surrender and the Qing annexation of Taiwan, formalized in 1684 when Taiwan was incorporated as a prefecture of Fujian province.

Over the past decade, China has increasingly fused Hollywood-style commercial filmmaking with state propaganda goals. Although Xi-era patriotic blockbusters had appeared earlier, the 2021 Korean War epic The Battle at Lake Changjin marked a turning point: it showed that a visually spectacular film could become both a massive commercial success and an effective vehicle for state messaging.

Beyond serving as spectacular propaganda and a nationalist boost, The Battle at Lake Changjin also became a platform for promoting a new narrative about China’s role in the Korean War. The film helped breathe new life into these narratives among younger Chinese moviegoers, who bought merchandise, checked in online while watching the film, and even posted photos of themselves eating frozen potatoes — echoing scenes from the movie based on the real experiences of soldiers on the battlefield.

The victory the Chinese soldiers achieved on the battlefield in Korea against the Americans was a reminder of Chinese courage and pride at a time of heightened Sino-American tensions.

Battle at Lake Changjin caused a real social media frenzy surrounding its merchandise and people eating frozen potatoes to share in the hardships felt by those on the battlefield.

Last year, similar dynamics unfolded when Dead to Rights (Nanjing Photo Studio, 南京照相馆) hit theaters, focusing on the Japanese invasion of Nanjing and the atrocities that followed. Together with Unit 731 and Dongji Island (东极岛), it formed part of a broader cinematic re-narration of the Sino-Japanese War (read more here).

The films were accompanied by a wider state media campaign emphasizing how China’s War of Resistance against Japan, as an integral part of World War II, represented China’s major contribution and sacrifice in the global fight against fascism, underscoring the country’s important role in shaping the postwar world order.

Now, this upcoming Taiwan-focused blockbuster seems to follow a similar playbook.

The movie is directed by award-winning Hong Kong filmmaker Cheang Pou-soi (郑保瑞). Wang Xueqi (王学圻), one of China’s most respected veteran actors, stars as Admiral Shi Lang, while the super-popular Jackson Yee (易烊千玺), the TFBOYS pop idol who turned into an acclaimed actor, plays the young Emperor Kangxi. Other major names starring in the movie include Zhao Liying (赵丽颖), one of China’s most renowned female stars, and Geng Le (耿乐), who also starred in Battle at Lake Changjin.

Promo posters for Battle at Penghu.

Besides the cast, the other details surrounding the production of the film are also impressive.

The crew reportedly spent 34 months in preparation, constructing 50 ancient warships, including twelve battleships of nearly 40 meters long, allegedly the largest historical naval replicas ever built in China. Most of them were destroyed during filming. We can expect some spectacular scenes.

Although this summer blockbuster appears to have the right formula for another Battle at Lake Changjin-like success, criticism is surfacing online.

Many netizens argue that the film should never have celebrated Admiral Shi Lang as its hero, and that it would have been more appropriate to focus on Zheng Chenggong (鄭成功, Koxinga) instead, since he is the one who expelled a foreign colonial power, the Dutch VOC, in 1662 and established the first Han Chinese governance on Taiwan. Due to this story of resistance against Western imperialism, many see Zheng Chenggong as the true hero.

💬 As one commenter writes: “Zheng Chenggong [Koxinga] drove out the Dutch colonizers and recovered Taiwan — what does that have to do with Shi Lang? Instead of making a film about Zheng Chenggong, they chose to make one about the traitor Shi Lang.

Adding to this criticism, others wondered why a movie celebrating the Qing dynasty’s defeat of the Ming loyalist Zheng regime — framed by some netizens as “Manchu forces defeating Han Chinese” — should be treated as part of Chinese history worth celebrating.

Shi Lang’s backstory makes him a contested figure in Chinese history. Originally, he was a general under Koxinga until he switched allegiances and ultimately surrendered to the Qing, leading some critics to label him a traitor (“汉奸”) rather than a hero.

One relevant study by Ronald C. Po [2] into the historical commemoration of Shi Lang argues that Shi Lang’s image has been continuously reconstructed since the Qing dynasty to serve shifting political agendas.

In this case, Shi Lang is framed as the admiral who “unified” Taiwan with China, making him an important historical anchor for the one-China narrative.

In the end, that’s what it’s all about — and the movie’s official tagline is clear about that: “What is isolated must return; what is divided must unite” (“孤悬必归、分疆必合”). Its trailer closes with the slogan “Unifying Taiwan is unstoppable” (“统一台湾,势不可挡”).

Whether Battle of Penghu will become as big a box office hit as Battle at Lake Changjin remains to be seen, but I doubt it, since we know that it’s putting reunification with Taiwan on mainland cinema screens this summer in a way many Chinese find flawed.

One critical reviewer, popular Weibo account @释不归, says:

💬 “The core historiographical flaw of Battle of Penghu does not lie in its ‘choice of the Qing dynasty’s perspective,’ but in its systematic concealment through a ‘unification narrative’ (统一叙事) that forcibly whitewashes a history full of moral grey zones into a binary confrontation between justice and evil.

For this reason, some say they will boycott the film, while others are celebrating it as a blockbuster promoting unification with Taiwan. Either way, it promises to spark a debate worth watching, and it’s one I’ll certainly be following this summer 👀🍿. I will report back to you after I’ve seen it!

There’s a lot more to catch up on, so keep reading to see which stories dominated online conversations in China over the past two weeks.


Quick Scrolls

  • 🌧️ Severe rainstorms and extreme weather triggered flash floods in Chongqing’s Yongchuan District, leaving nine people dead and eleven missing.
  • 🏪 The “Father of the Convenience Store,” 7-Eleven founder Toshifumi Suzuki (铃木敏文), is being remembered on Chinese social media following his passing in Tokyo at the age of 93. Netizens praised Suzuki for bringing 24-hour convenience culture to Asia and reshaping global retail.
  • 🇷🇸 The first-ever China state visit by Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić became a major talking point on social media, where many netizens refer to Vučić as “577” because his Chinese name sounds similar to “5-7-7” (五七七 wǔ qī qī). Vučić said he was aware of the nickname and perfectly happy being “577.”
  • 🎬 The Chaoshan-dialect film Letters to Grandma (阿嬷的情书) surpassed 10 billion yuan ($1.38 billion) at the box office within 25 days. With a 9.1 rating on Douban, the underdog production has become one of the biggest surprise hits of 2026, achieving massive success without major stars or blockbuster budgets.
  • 🏛️ Wuhan University recently opened its campus to the public without requiring reservations. Although not everyone is happy about visitors roaming the grounds and taking photos, the move has sparked broader discussions about how Chinese university campuses, as important cultural and public spaces, should be made more accessible.
  • 🚀 After nearly seven months in orbit, the Shenzhou-21 crew welcomed the incoming Shenzhou-23 astronauts aboard Tiangong. The docking marked the eighth “space meetup” in Chinese spaceflight history and the first time an astronaut from Hong Kong entered the space station.
  • 🛵 Olympic swimmer Sun Yang (孙杨) went viral after grabbing his phone during a TV interview to order food delivery. One related Weibo hashtag — “Sun Yang suddenly starts ordering food during interview” (#孙杨采访时突然开始点餐) — received over 61 million views. Some commenters described him as a typical post-90s-generation personality who simply does whatever he feels like.
  • ☠️ One of China’s most sensational corporate crime cases has come to an end. Xu Yao (许垚), former CEO of Santi Universe, the company holding the rights to the hugely successful The Three-Body Problem IP, was executed on May 21, two years after being convicted of poisoning gaming tycoon Lin Qi in 2020. Xu used a deadly mix of pufferfish toxin and amatoxin and also poisoned four other colleagues with methylmercury.
  •  


The Week’s Key Stories

Hidden Back Doors, Yin-Yang Maps: The Liushenyu Coal Mine Disaster

The catastrophic gas explosion at the Liushenyu Coal Mine (留神峪煤矿) in Qinyuan County, Shanxi, has dominated Chinese news discussions over the past week. The explosion, which occurred on the evening of May 22, killed at least 82 people, while 123 others were hospitalized with injuries of varying severity. Two people remain missing.

This is the worst coal mine incident in China since 2009, when an explosion at the Xinxing coal mine (新兴煤矿) in Heilongjiang killed 108 people.

Soon after the incident in Qinyuan, discussions began focusing on safety violations, especially after the reported numbers failed to add up. At the time of the explosion, 247 workers were reportedly underground, yet the company operating the mine, Tongzhou Group, had recorded only 124 names in the entry log, meaning around 123 workers had entered the mine without following required protocols.

During rescue operations, emergency workers soon discovered that the mine’s official maps did not match the actual underground layout. Tongzhou Group had apparently been operating with so-called “yin-yang maps” (阴阳图纸): two versions of the mine plan — one official version shown to inspectors, and another real version used in practice.

In a May 26 Xinhua report, it was revealed that the mine even had camouflage doors (假门) — constructed from steel mesh wire and woven sacking to resemble tunnel rock walls — to conceal unauthorized tunnels from safety inspectors. When inspectors arrived, workers inside would reportedly seal the door and smear it with coal dust to make it indistinguishable from the surrounding tunnel walls.

In this way, the mine could maximize output and produce extra coal outside official quotas without reporting it. But it also meant these hidden areas fell outside formal oversight and safety protocols, which is why they are referred to as “invisible bombs” (隐形炸弹) within the mining system: gas could accumulate due to insufficient ventilation.

The mine had already been listed in 2024 by China’s mine safety regulator as a site with “serious hazards.”

On social media, the disaster has sparked anger over systemic failures surrounding a mine disaster many viewed as preventable, and over management’s apparent disregard for the lives and safety of its contracted workers, who already occupy some of the most dangerous and lowest-status positions in China’s labor market.

In multiple ways, the Liushenyu Coal Mine disaster shows similarities to the recent Liuyang fireworks factory explosion, which also occurred in May.

Although the two disasters took place in very different industries and locations, they reveal a similar pattern: there had been explicit prior warnings in official records that went unaddressed; inspections identified problems but failed to halt production; hidden production conditions/mechanisms were involved; and both disasters killed dozens of vulnerable migrant workers employed through informal labor arrangements.

One comment pretty much rounds up a general sentiment:

💬 “For the sake of enormous profits, they completely disregarded safety and basic human morality, and showed utter contempt for human life, which is an unforgivable crime! The leadership must receive the death penalty!


Award-Winning Prison Film Starring Convicted Killer Pulled in China

A Chinese film that was supposed to premiere in mainland cinemas on May 30 has backfired and been pulled following days of controversy and intense online discussion.

The movie, titled Mom from Prison (监狱来的妈妈) in Chinese and using the English title Her Heart Beats in Its Cage, was marketed as a domestic violence film “based on a true story,” with the convicted killer in the movie played by the actual person involved — Zhao Xiaohong (赵箫泓).

Zhao was sentenced to 15 years in prison for killing her husband in 2009 during a domestic violence incident in which she stabbed him with a fruit knife.

Director Qin Xiaoyu (秦晓宇) and famous TV host and producer Wang Han (汪涵) then developed a film around Zhao’s story, presenting it as a sympathetic anti-domestic violence narrative about a woman who suffered long-term abuse, finally struck back, accidentally killed her husband, and later tried to repair her relationship with her son while in prison.

Although the film received approval to be screened in China and performed well at various foreign film festivals, including the San Sebastián International Film Festival, everything fell apart when Chinese netizens collectively criticized the gap between the movie’s narrative and the legal realities of the case. How “true” was this story if the killing was never legally ruled as self-defense, and if the judgment explicitly stated that no domestic abuse had been recognized or evidenced in the case?

Beyond that, many pointed out that Zhao was still formally serving restrictions tied to her prison sentence while participating in a commercial film production, raising questions about how a convicted killer could end up starring in a feature film about her own crime.

Moreover, when the project began in 2019, the production team reportedly applied for permission to film inside prisons under the category of a “public-interest correctional education documentary” (公益教育改造纪录片), which many commenters — including those in this Zhihu thread — considered deceptive.

Although domestic violence has received increasing public attention and sympathy in China in recent years, many argued that this particular project crossed an ethical line and used “feminist-coded content” (女权话题) to glamorize the story of a convicted killer.

“If they had simply used another actress and treated the story as artistic adaptation, perhaps things would never have become this serious,” one Zhihu commenter wrote.

Following the overwhelmingly negative public reaction, Zhao Xiaohong’s social media accounts were silenced, while the film bureau announced that screenings had been suspended due to public complaints and an ongoing investigation. Wang Han also apologized for becoming involved in the project without properly researching its background and content, and announced he had cut ties with the film.

This is one movie that definitely won’t be getting a sequel.


Hukou Reform Announced: Public Services Will Now “Follow the Person”

China’s Household Registration System won’t be as important anymore – that’s the message that was reiterated across Chinese social media by state media, becoming top news on Weibo, Toutiao, and Baidu News on May 27 (#户口以后没那么重要了#)

This comes after China’s State Council, for the very first time, has issued a national-level directive to decouple basic public services from household registration (户口, hùkǒu).

The hukou or ‘household registration’ system is China’s registered permanent residence policy that has been in place in China since 1958. A hukou is assigned at birth and basically works like an official place-based ID. China’s hukou system, among others, separates rural and urban citizens and is essential for access to social services, including education and healthcare.

Because the hukou is tied to one’s registered place of origin rather than to an actual place of residence, it creates problems for the estimated 250 million people in China who have moved elsewhere to live and work. When their children’s access to public schools is closed off, many families choose to leave children behind in their native, more rural areas to live with grandparents or other caregivers. These “leftover children” are just one of many broader problems of urban-rural inequality behind the hukou system, particularly regarding access to public benefits and healthcare.

In this new policy, filed on May 18 and presented at a May 26 press conference, social services, basic benefits, and protections will follow the person, not the hukou. That means that as long as a person resides in and is legally employed in a place, has registered a residence permit, and has paid social insurance, they are entitled to equal access to basic public services as local hukou holders.

In the aftermath of the announcement, social media commenters seem cautiously positive yet skeptical, and still have many questions about the practicalities and the extent to which this will actually change things.

One important question revolves around the gaokao (高考) system – China’s national college entrance exam. Traditionally, one’s hukou affects where a child can go to school and where they can take the gaokao. If this were to change, it would essentially change the rules of the playbook that matters most to many students and their families, as it’s the main doorway to university in China, and university access is tied to later life and career chances.

Some people also express anxiety about the knock-on effects on urban property markets and school enrollment: they think cities like Beijing or Shanghai will get even more crowded in the near future. Who knows how many people will rush there to work now for their kids’ sake?

The optimism about the policy does shimmer through most comments, like one person writing:

💬 “It’s important to be realistic: while the policy lowers the barriers, high-quality public resources remain limited. Achieving complete equality will still take time. But at least the overall direction has changed. Treatment is no longer determined by a piece of paper called a hukou. If we work hard and build our lives in a city, we should be able to enjoy the corresponding protections and services there. And that is the most meaningful source of security this policy provides.”


What China’s Reading

Top 5 Rising Books in China This Week

 

📚1. Work, Consumerism and the New Poor by Zygmunt Bauman | 工作、消费主义和新穷人

Work, Consumerism and the New Poor is rising on China’s popular book and reading charts this week. The 1998 work by Polish sociologist Zygmunt Bauman (translated into Chinese in 2021) argues that poverty in consumer society is defined not by joblessness but by the inability to participate in consumption — that the “new poor” are marked not by exclusion from work but by exclusion from the marketplace of goods and identities. A relevant topic for Chinese social media users in 2026, with issues like youth unemployment and middle-class downward mobility popping up in all kinds of discussions nowadays. 🔗 Link to the book in English / in Chinese.

 

📚2. The Protagonist by Chen Yan | 主角

The Protagonist (主角) is a long novel by Chen Yan (陈彦) that previously won China’s most prestigious literary fiction award, the Mao Dun Literature Prize, and became one of the top titles on WeChat’s reading platform this week. That is no coincidence: the renewed attention follows the release of the CCTV/Tencent Video television adaptation starring Zhang Jiayi (张嘉益) and Liu Haocun (刘浩存). The novel tells the story of female Qinqiang opera performer Yi Qine and follows more than four decades of her life on and off the stage amid major personal, social, and national transformations. 🔗 Link to Chinese edition.

 

📚 3. The Second Chief by Huang Xiaoyang | 二号首长

The Second Chief (二号首长) is a Chinese political novel by Huang Xiaoyang, which was originally published in 2011 and recently reissued. It follows the protagonist, Tang Xiaozhou, a veteran journalist from Fudan University who is at a low point in his life when he is appointed as the personal secretary to a new provincial party secretary, Zhao Deliang. Although the book offers a (fictional) glimpse into Chinese provincial politics, some social media users say it’s more like a guide to navigating the workplace and life. 🔗 Link to Chinese version.

 

📚 4. Fortunate That You All Comfort My Life | 幸得诸君慰平生

Fortunate to Have You All Comfort My Life” is a collection of warm, light, and easy-to-read essays by the author writing under the pen name “Before the Storms in the Old Garden” (故园风雨前). Originally published in 2022, the book belongs to the popular “slow life” literary genre and focuses on small everyday details, family, flowers, friendship, and fleeting encounters that add warmth, meaning, and vividness to ordinary life. 🔗 Link to Chinese version.

 

📚5. The Klein Bottle by Okajima Futari | 克莱因壶

The Klein Bottle is a 1989 Japanese mystery novel by the duo Okajima Futari (冈岛二人) was ahead of its time in telling the story of a writer who signs up to test an experimental VR game and gradually loses the ability to distinguish virtual experiences from reality, as people around him begin to disappear or deny shared memories. The book’s renewed popularity in China lately is largely driven by social media discussions about the increasingly murky boundaries between simulated and real experiences in the AI era. 🔗 Link to Chinese version.
 


The Word of the Week

I genuinely did feel uncomfortable” 我想说当确实不舒服

Everyone and their cousin has been talking about Wang Hedi (王鹤棣), aka Dylan Wang, over the past week. The Chinese actor recently appeared in the celebrity reality show Dear Inn (亲爱的客栈), in which celebrities run a guesthouse together. Wang served as the manager, while his former Meteor Garden (流星花园) co-star Shen Yue (沈月) was also part of the cast.

During the final episode, the celebrities handed out playful awards to each other. Wang received the “Best You’re Just Wang Hedi Award” (“最佳你只是个王鹤底奖”), where the “Di” (棣) character from his real name was replaced with the similarly pronounced character 底, meaning “bottom.”

Many viewers felt the “funny” reward wasn’t actually so funny, especially after rumors surfaced that the cast members had a separate group chat without Wang in it. Fans felt he was being purposely excluded and mocked.

As discussions escalated online, Wang responded on Weibo, writing:

At the time I thought I was just being oversensitive, but after reading everyone’s analysis for a whole day, I want to say that I genuinely did feel uncomfortable back then.”

That response only made the situation blow up. Shen Yue later issued a public apology, explaining that “You’re just Wang Hedi” had been meant as an inside joke among the cast, encouraging Wang to step down from his manager role and relax into being himself again. But by then, the phrase had already taken on a life of its own online.

By now, “I genuinely did feel uncomfortable back then” has become a meme for admitting that something actually bothered you, even if it initially seemed too trivial to mention and only started nagging at you later.

It is now being used in completely unrelated contexts, and “At the time I thought I was just being oversensitive… I want to say that I genuinely did feel uncomfortable back then.”
(“当时以为是我敏感了……我想说当时确实不舒服”) has become a template for expressing all kinds of grievances and annoyances about things that happened in the past.


That’s a wrap, have a great weekend!

Best,

Manya

[1] “天下大s,乘风而来” is the slogan on the themed teaser poster of Battle of Penghu (澎湖海战》

[2] Ronald C. Po, “Hero or Villain? The Evolving Legacy of Shi Lang in China and Taiwan,” Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 5 (2019), https://doi.org/10.1017/S0026749X17000737.

By Manya Koetse
(follow on X, LinkedIn, or Instagram)

Spotted a mistake or want to add something? Please let us know in comments below or email us. First-time commenters, please be patient – we will have to manually approve your comment before it appears.

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