China World

Is China Resisting the West? (Asia Carousel Live Event)

Where will the rise of China take the country in the 21st century? Will China confirm to the Western world order, or will it create a new world order? What is the ‘China dream’ (中国梦)? These questions will be addressed at today’s Asia Carousel at the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Published

8 years ago

June 9, 2016

Manya Koetse

Where will the rise of China lead to in the 21st century? Will China confirm to the Western world order, or will it create a new world order? What is the ‘China dream’ (中国梦)? These questions will be addressed at today’s Asia Carousel at the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs. (To see more events live-blogged by What’s on Weibo, see our live events list.)

Event: Asia Carousel, “China Resisting the Western World Order?”
Date: June 9, 2016
Place: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, The Hague

During this edition of the ‘Asia Carousel’, an initiative launched by the Dutch government to enhance knowledge and understanding of Asia, all focus will be on China and its role in international society today.

Today’s speakers are sinologist and author Henk Schulte Nordholt, Leiden Asia Centre director Frank Pieke, and Arjen van Dijkhuizen, Senior Economist Emerging Markets at ABN AMRO. The discussion will be led by Arjen Schutten (China Expertise Centre).

An Economic Perspective (Van Dijkhuizen, 11.05 CET)

Today’s first speaker, Arjen van Dijkhuizen, starts his talk by addressing the audience to ask people whether or not they think the rise of China and its influence on the world economy is a cause for concern. Although the majority of people in the room raise their hand for being ‘not too worried’, Van Dijkhuizen says that there might actually be more cause for concern than today’s attendants might think.

“Improving communication is one of the biggest challenges that China is facing in its transition to the world economy.”

China is often at the focus of attention in today’s global financial markets. This, on the one hand, has to do with the rising importance of China’s economy, and, on the other hand, also relates to the country’s lack of transparency and communication. According to Van Dijkhuizen, opening up this communication is one of the biggest challenges that China is facing in its transition to the world economy.

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But there are also other various issues that play a big role. Debts are one of China’s bigger problems- “although this might be more of a domestic problem than an international one”, Van Dijkhuizen says.

He continues: “The World Bank might be too bureaucratic for China – it is not fast enough, and too focused on the USA. It is therefore not surprising that the PRC is now setting up its own initiatives like the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, which we will hear much more about.”

“All in all, there are many hurdles to come”, Van Dijkhuizen says. The rising debts are one major point of concern. But China won’t try to turn around the global financial market: “The country is reforming, but stabilization will be the number one priority – which is something that the whole world will profit from.”

Looking at China’s Nationalism (Schulte Nordholt, 11.25 CET)

Speaker Henk Schulte Nordholt is all too familiar with today’s topic, as he is the author of the China and the Barbarians: The Opposition Against the Western World Order (2015) that is also focused on the theme of the rise of China.

“Maintaining the single-party state is a central aspect of nationalism in today’s China,” Schulte Nordholt says. One way to preserve this system is focusing on territorial issues – the Party suggests that without China’s single-party system, the country’s “territorial integrity” will not be maintained or reached. Where the borders of this “complete China” exactly are, Schulte Nordholt says, is not really clear.

“The main problem in China-US relations is a lack of trust.”

So except for the economic perspective, it is important to focus on military aspects when talking about the rise of China and its attitude towards the Western world order, according to Schulte Nordholt. The question “Who will dominate the Pacific Ocean – China or the US?” is an important one in this matter.

Could China and the US clash? “The main problem is a lack of trust,” Schulte Nordholt says. There are consistent strategic talks between the two nations, but the tensions continue. For China, economic development, sovereignty, and social safety/stability are three major issues – and they do not necessarily benefit from closer ties with the US.

These are exciting times, according to Schulte Nordholt. In the long run, he is optimistic – no one will be able to stop China’s rise to the world order and its integration in the world economy, it has already passed the “point of no return” in 2001. Continuing dialogues, Schulte Nordholt says, is crucial.

China’s Neo-Socialism (Frank Pieke, 11:45 CET)

“China is a country where nothing is allowed, but everything is possible,” says Frank Pieke. A country like the Netherlands might very well be the other way around, Pieke smilingly points out – and it is not necessarily better that way. For Chinese people, and foreigners alike, there are many possibilities for individual development in today’s China.

“Neosocialism”, is what Pieke calls China’s current political system. It is a continuing process. The Party is getting increasingly powerful – and its demonstration of power changes from year to year, from month to month, and from day to day. It also varies per theme, where some things might become more free, whereas others are more limited, like the recent restrictions on religion.

“The single-party state and China’s sovereignty is now emphasized more than ever,” Pieke says. We now first see that the Party and the government has a plan that they are creating. This was different in Hu Jintao’s era; now it is clear that the Party leaders have a clear vision of where they are going and how they will reach this. It is almost like a grocery list that they are completing.

“It is not a renewed ‘maoism’; you could compare it to nazism.”

There is also a sense of completing this within the coming 6-7 years, Pieke says, so there is a new sense of power and urgency that is making Xi Jinping’s reign different from that of his predecessors. “The Party and its leaders will become more dominant,” according to Pieke. The role of the Premier Li Keqiang is seemingly becoming less important, as all eyes are on President Xi Jinping.

This growing importance of the President will not lead to a renewed ‘maoism’, according to Pieke: “China is not going back in time. This is much more managed and the plans are different from Mao’s era. If you want to compare it to anything”, Pieke says, “then you could compare it to nazism” – cultivating not only the Party, but also the leader: “Its background is aggressive, nationalistic and based on a history where China was victimized.”

“What worries me most is not a revival of state-socialism”, Pieke argues: “but that the Party dictatorship will become more like a fascist regime.” Pieke sees this as a potential danger within the rise of China and its attitude to the West, as he also speaks of China’s route of ‘Lebensraum‘.

Dialogue is therefore crucial, Pieke says – reiterating the views of the previous speakers. The dialogue has to be constructed and maintained with several layers in Chinese society; keeping communication alive with the various institutions and government bodies. “We cannot close the door to China,” Pieke says: “But we also cannot accept a Chinese hyper-nationalistic agenda to grow.”

Discussion & Questions (12.25 CET)

“It is a worrisome trend that China’s image in the west is not getting more positive, while the country is growing,” Schulte-Nordholt says: “If China is indeed continuing with a neosocialist system that has some fascist features [as suggested by Pieke], then this doesn’t do much good for its future international image.”

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“We shouldn’t see ‘China’ as one entity,” Frank Pieke comments: “When I was talking about the fascist regime, I am talking about something that finds its roots in an aggressive form of nationalism that is alive at multiple layers in society – from top to bottom – but it is not that this nationalism applies to the entire society. This growing, and potentially dangerous, group is not representative for all of China.”

Pieke does not see a strict division between Party and society, as there are movements in the Party that can be traced back to what is happening at grassroots movements. But Schulte Nordholt does not necessarily agree with Pieke’s view when it comes to this Party & society symbiosis: “There really is a clear division,” according to Schulte Nordholt.

Yet Pieke says: “A Party separate from society is fundamentally non-Chinese. Social government and social management are essential in understanding China,” – suggesting close ties between state, government and society in China today.

Audience participant Ingrid d’Hooge has a question for the panel. She says that there are many of her friends in China who worry about the growing dictatorial regime in China, as it paralyzes the people to some extent. “How do you see this?” she asks the panel.

“2002-2006 were China’s golden days with relative freedom and endless possibilities.”

“I understand your friends,” Pieke says: “But we should not forget that there are many people, both inside and outside the Party, who are happy that a ‘real’ leader has stood up who has the guts to watch the West in the eyes and show China’s limits.” In the end, Pieke says, a regime can only change when internal forces want it to change – “I’m fairly pessimistic about this,” he concludes.

One other audience participant, China Analyst Mr. Hofman, wonders if the significance of China’s previous President Hu Jintao (2002-2012) is not undervalued in discussions such as these – even 4, 5 years ago, people never spoke too highly of him. “He indeed did not get enough credit for what he did,” Pieke answers: “Perhaps he was less media-genic, but I think 2002-2006 were China’s golden days with relative freedom and endless possibilities. I want to emphasize that Xi Jinping cannot be blamed for today’s fascistic changes in China – it is part of a movement that is larger than the President.”

Audience participant Fred Sengers (@blogaap) wonders if there might be international consequences to China taking a route of ‘Lebensraum’, as Pieke previously mentioned.

“Of course it has international consequences. It is not all about creating trade routes, it is more than that. It is project of expanding China’s [economic] influence. It is not necessarily bad, but we have to set limits when we no longer profit from it. There is major diplomatic influence of China within today’s Europe. Let alone in Africa. Europe is more and more influenced by China, and we should set a limit to how much it will influence us.”

This live blog is now closed.

– By Manya Koetse
Follow @WhatsOnWeibo

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China Food & Drinks

Where to Eat and Drink in Beijing: Yellen’s Picks

From Yunnan classics to fusion cuisine, these are Janet Yellen’s picks for dining and drinking in Beijing.

Published

6 days ago

April 11, 2024

Manya Koetse

Janet Yellen, the United States Secretary of the Treasury, seems to have some excellent advisors, at least when it comes to choosing spots for food and drinks in Beijing.

Yellen just concluded her second trip to Beijing within a year, and once again, it’s not her official talks but rather her choices in food and drink venues that are sparking discussion on social media.

Her initial visit to Beijing was in July 2023, during which she held meetings with Chinese Premier Li Qiang and other officials.

This time, from April 4th to 9th, Yellen’s agenda included engagements with top Chinese officials in both Guangzhou and Beijing. The primary focus was on addressing ongoing bilateral tensions and managing trade relations between the US and China. In addition to official meetings, Yellen also met up with students and business leaders.

Yellen’s selection of bars and restaurants drew interest online. Yellen is known to be a food enthusiast, and likes to visit local restaurants wherever she goes.

In Guangzhou, Yellen dined at Taotaoju (陶陶居), a renowned Cantonese restaurant where she had roast goose and shrimp dumplings.

If you’re curious about the places she visited in Beijing during her first and second trip, check out our short ‘Yellen’s Beijing’ list below.

‘In & Out’ Yunnan Restaurant

Yellen at Yizuo Yiwang, photos via Weibo.

● Name: ‘In and Out’ in English, Chinese name: Yī Zuò Yī Wàng 一坐一忘

● Specialty: Yunnan cuisine

● Notable: Yellen visited this local favorite near Beijing’s embassy area in the summer of 2023. Among other things, Yellen was served spicy potatoes with mint and stir-fried mushrooms, leading to online jokes about how the food would affect her. The mushroom dish that she had is called jiànshǒuqīng (见手青), which literally means “see hand blue”, in reference to turning blue when handled. It is the lanmaoa asiatica mushroom species that grows in China’s Yunnan region known for its hallucinogenic properties (when treated and cooked properly, they don’t cause hallucinations read more here). After Yellen’s visit, ‘In & Out’ used it as part of their marketing strategy and the restaurant released a special ‘Treasury Menu’ (or ‘God of Wealth’ Menu 财神菜单), promoting themselves as the first place where Yellen had dinner during her Beijing visit.

● Price: Dishes range from 38 yuan ($5) to 298 yuan ($41)

● Address: Chaoyang, Sanlitun Beixiaojie 1 / 朝阳区三里屯北小街1号

Grand Hyatt’s ‘Made in China’

Yellen’s lunch at the Grand Hatt, image via Weibo.

● Name: ‘Made in China’ in English, Chinese name: Cháng’ān Yī Hào 长安壹号餐厅

● Specialty: Northern Chinese cuisine, including Peking duck / Fusion

● Notable: This is the venue where Yellen had lunch with a group of female economists and entrepreneurs in July of 2023 (you can see the speech she gave during lunch here). She apparently likes this restaurant a lot, since she visited it again for dinner on April 8 of this year. For her 2023 lunch, we know that Yellen ordered steamed fish head with chopped pepper (剁椒鱼头). The famous Hunan dish was among the most expensive dishes on a special menu (850 yuan/$117) for Yellen’s visit at the time. This time around, she also had Peking Duck. The award-winning Made in China restaurant, which is simply called “Chang’an no 1” in Chinese (after its address, 长安壹号餐厅), has been around for two decades, and the Beijing head chef Jin Qiang has been there from the start – he has since welcomed numerous heads of state and government leaders from around the world.

● Price: Appetizers start from 58 yuan ($8), seafood dishes around 500 yuan (69 yuan), Peking Duck 388 yuan ($53)

● Address: Grand Hyatt, Dongcheng, 1 East Chang’An Avenue / 东长安街1号东方广场

Lao Chuan Ban

Yellen at Chuan Ban, image via Dianping.

● Name: Chuan Ban, Chinese name: 川办餐厅 aka ‘Lao Chuan Ban’ (Old Chuan Ban 老川办)

● Specialty: Sichuan food

● Notable: Chuan Ban, established as part of the Sichuan provincial government office and open to the public since 1995, is renowned for its authentic Sichuan cuisine. During her visit to Beijing, Yellen and her group dined at this famous restaurant on April 6 this year. They enjoyed a variety of dishes including Mapo tofu (麻婆豆腐), Sichuan-style cold noodles (四川凉面), clear noodles in chili sauce (川北凉粉), smashed cucumber salad (拍黃瓜), and Zhong dumpings in spicy sauce (钟水饺).

● Price：Dumplings for 18 yuan ($2.5), beef noodles for 16 yuan ($2.2), salt and pepper shrimp for 46 yuan ($6.3), fried lamb chops for 188 yuan ($26) – there’s something for everyone in different price ranges.

● Address: Dongcheng, 5 Gongyuan Toutiao, Jianguomennei Dajie / 东城区建国门内贡院头条5号

Jing-A Brewery

Yellen having a beer, image via Weibo.

● Name: Jing-A Brewery, Chinese name: 京A

● Specialty: Craft beer

● Notable: After five days of meetings during her 2024 China visit, Janet Yellen enjoyed a beer together with US ambassador Nicholas Burns at Jing-A, a brewery founded by wo Beijing-based American friends in 2012. In one of her tweets, Yellen explained that the microbrewery imports American hops for their beers — “a small representation of how the U.S.-China bilateral economic relationship can benefit both sides” (link).

● Price：Beers starting at 35 yuan ($4.8), snack dishes starting at 58 yuan ($8)

● Address: Jing-A Brewpub Xingfucun, Chaoyang， 57 Xingfucun Zhong Lu, Chaoyang, Beijing / 朝阳区幸福村中路57号

By Manya Koetse

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China Media

Party Slogan, Weibo Hashtag: “The Next China Will Still Be China”

The “next China” phrase has become part of Party jargon without being clearly defined, leaving it open to various interpretations.

Published

1 month ago

March 11, 2024

Manya Koetse

After Wang Yi’s remarks during his Two Sessions press conference, the sentence ‘the next China will still be China’ has solidified its place as a new catchphrase in the Communist Party jargon. But what does it actually mean?

Over the past week, the Two Sessions have dominated news topics on Chinese social media. On March 7, a hashtag promoted by Party newspaper People’s Daily became top trending: “Wang Yi Says the Next China Will Still Be China” (#王毅说下一个中国还是中国#).

The hashtag refers to statements made by China’s Foreign Minister, Wang Yi (王毅), also member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, during a press conference held alongside the Second Session of the 14th National People’s Congress.

In his opening remarks to Chinese and foreign media, Wang emphasized that China’s role in a time of geopolitical unrest and shifting international relations will be one of peacekeeper, pillar, and progressor.

The Wang Yi quote is promoted by ChinaDaily on social media.

Wang’s comment about “next China” was a response to a question about China’s economic development, modernization, and diplomacy strategies. Wang replied that China remains a vital engine of growth. His comment that “the next China is still China” appeared to highlight China’s enduring importance on the world stage despite ongoing changes domestically. Wang mentioned the emergence of new industries, businesses, and increased international engagement as evidence of China’s ongoing evolution.

Wang also warned that “expressing pessimistic views about China will inevitably backfire, and misjudging China will result in missed opportunities” (“唱衰中国必将反噬自身，误判中国就将错失机遇”).

However, he did not elaborate on the specific meaning of his “next China” phrase, which is typical for Communist Party catchphrases and slogans that can often be interpreted in various ways across different contexts.

The “Next China Will Still Be China” Phrase

The phrase “the next China will still be China” has become more prominent in Chinese state media, from Xinhua to CCTV, since November 2023.

President Xi Jinping first introduced it during the San Francisco APEC Economic Leaders’ Week, stating that “China has already become synonymous with the best investment destination; the next ‘China’ is still China” (“中国已经成为最佳投资目的地的代名词，下一个‘中国’，还是中国”). The quote had previously come up in various investment and business communities.

The quote gained further traction when CCTV turned it into a hashtag on Weibo, emphasizing the message of “choosing China is choosing the future (“#下一个中国还是中国#, 选择中国就是选择未来”). It was also used by Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesperson Wang Wenbin during one of the regular press conferences.

The slogan was also the central theme of a recent speech held by academic and China expert Martin Jacques for the state media initiated TED-like ‘China Talk’ series. Jacques’ talk, simply titled “The next ‘China’ is still China,” reflects on China’s transformation over the past 75 years from poverty to a global leading economy. Jacques emphasizes China’s unique ‘civilizational roots’ and its different approach to modernization compared to the West, which consists of nation states. He asserts that despite all the major transformations China has seen and is about to see, China’s fundamental characteristics will remain unchanged, rooted in its “civilizational template,” such as the relationship between state and society, the role of the family, and more.

In this speech, promoted by state media over the past two weeks, “the next China is still China” signifies that despite China’s changing role in the world, its core essence, approach, and identity as a civilization remain unchanged. On Weibo, some commenters understand the sentence in a similar way, stressing that China will not betray its roots and turn into “the next America.”

However, in other contexts, the phrase is mostly used with a greater emphasis on the economy.

For instance, in Qiushi/Qs Theory, the Party’s theoretical magazine, the quote was called “an important conclusion,” highlighting “the profound capacity of China’s economy” and echoing the “general consensus of the international community.” The Qiushi publication by Shen Dan (沈丹) uses the exact same words as those employed by Wang Yi, indicating that “China remains the largest engine of global growth” (“中国仍是全球增长的最大引擎”).

While not explicitly stated, the sentence and its context serve to counter popular foreign media headlines suggesting that China’s remarkable economic development has ended and that “India is the next ‘China'” or that “Vietnam is the next ‘China’.” Instead, it suggests that China’s economic miracle will continue.

Various headlines in foreign media.

The phrase carries significant weight in the message it conveys both domestically and internationally. On one hand, it serves as a strategy to push back against negative foreign sentiment regarding China and pessimistic views on the economy. On the other hand, it sends a strong signal to Chinese consumers and businesses, encouraging confidence in the domestic economy and the future of China.

Part of Xi’s Catchphrase Canon

The “next China is still China” catchphrase stands as another slogan representing Party language and can be added to the long list of Xi Jinping’s ‘hot’ phrases (热词).

In January of this year, The Economist noted that the latest Communist Party phrases and slogans set the tone for economic campaigns and even define entire epochs of growth. They commented: “At a time when China’s leaders are attempting to drag the economy from the doldrums, there is even more reason than normal to pay attention to party-speak.”

The article describes how some phrases that come up in Xi’s speeches, especially those stressing China’s important role in the world and the country’s rapid economic growth, become part of Party jargon and are commonly used in local documents as political buzzwords. One well-known example is “Great changes unseen in a century” (“百年未有的大变局”), which entered the Party lexicon in 2017, when then-State Councillor Yang Jiechi described it as a guiding principle of Xi Jinping Thought on Diplomacy.

State media, both in Chinese and English, play a crucial role in propagating these types of popular phrases, incorporating them into various articles, videos, hashtags, and headlines.

But despite its current ubiquity and various ways to understand the “next China” slogan, not all netizens are confident that its meaning holds true. One top comment on Douyin said: “China’s birth rates have already fallen to some of the lowest globally, which doesn’t bode well for the future at all.”

However, others are more optimistic, believing that China will remain true to its essence and that its success cannot be copied thanks to the nature of Chinese people: “Hard-working, brave, energetic – that is what defines the Chinese people and that is what can never be replicated.”

By Manya Koetse

With contributions by Miranda Barnes

Follow @whatsonweibo

References

Shen Dan 沈丹. 2024. “The Next “China” Is Still China” [下一个“中国”，还是中国]. Qiushi, February 1 http://www.qstheory.cn/dukan/qs/2024-02/01/c_1130069314.htm [March 11, 2024].

The Economist. 2024. “A Guide to the Chinese Communist Party’s Economic Jargon.” The Economist, January 11 https://www.economist.com/finance-and-economics/2024/01/11/a-guide-to-the-chinese-communist-partys-economic-jargon [March 11, 2024].

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