Sina Weibo is China’s most popular social media platform. This is What’s on Weibo’s Sina Weibo File: an introduction to Sina Weibo, with regularly updated facts and stats.
1.What is Sina Weibo?
A Short Intro
Sina Weibo (新浪微博), often simply called ‘Weibo’ (pronounce as way-bo), is one of the biggest social media platforms of China. ‘Weibo’ literally means ‘micro-blog.’
Weibo is often explained as the Chinese equivalent of Twitter or Facebook, two services that are blocked in mainland China. The year that Sina Weibo was launched (2009) was a pivotal year for China in terms of micro-blogging. Besides Twitter, domestic social media sites such as Zuosa, Fanfou and Taotao were rapidly gaining popularity. Following the Urumqi riots in 2009, Chinese authorities blamed the free flow of information for the surge of social unrest and put a stop to Twitter, Facebook and many local microblogs (Sullivan 2012, 775). Sina Weibo was introduced as a new social media platform that would keep the stream of incoming posts under control by tracking and blocking ‘sensitive’ content (ibid. 2012, 775-776).
There are multiple sites in China that offer micro-blogging services, but Sina Weibo is still the most popular one around the Chinese web. Three years after its launch, it already had 503 million registered users (Chen et al 2012, 1; Zhao et al 2014, 613); a significant majority of the 640 million Internet users that China holds.
Sina Weibo is often called the “Chinese Twitter”, but actually it is more versatile. The platform functions as what could be said to be a combination of Facebook and Twitter, but ultimately is unique.
Weibo has a 140 character limit to each post and users are part of a “follower-followee network” (Gao et al 2012, 88). The relationship between followers and followees is unidirectional; one can ‘follow’ an individual and read their ‘weibos’ (posts), like and share them, without being followed back. It is possible for users to upload videos, images, and gifs.
Research shows that there are quite some differences between how Weibo is used in China and Twitter is used in other countries. Not only do users of Sina Weibo publish more posts than those on Twitter, they also tend to disclose more personal information about themselves. They are more active in reacting on other people and sharing their views (Gao et al 2012, 93; Sullivan 2012, 774). While topics discussed on Twitter are often linked to institutions and companies, users of Sina avoid talking about (political) organizations or other institutions (Gao et al 2012, 96). The idea that Weibo is used in a more ‘personal’ way is supported by the fact that Sina Weibo users publish 19% more posts during the weekends. This in contrast to Twitter, where people post 11% less tweets on weekends than they do on weekdays (ibid. 2012, 98).
China is in the midst of a “microblogging revolution” (Sullivan 2012, 773). Online government regulations and censorship have not turned Chinese Internet or Weibo into a social media prison. On the contrary, the Chinese Internet could be called “one of the most vibrant economic and social cyberspaces in the world” (Yeo&Li 2012, 7). The intense online discussions on corrupt officials or multiple food scandals have demonstrated that the relationship between the censors and the world of Weibo is not black and white. Although there are many limits to what can be posted, and control is strict, Weibo does offer a national platform to ordinary Chinese netizens where they can enjoy a relatively free online environment (Sullivan 2012, 774; Magistad 2012). Weibo is a place of continuous negotiation between citizens and government on what the boundaries are, and to what extent they can be stretched. In this way Weibo is a highly politicized space. It is clear that Weibo is a significant phenomenon to present Chinese society that will keep buzzing on the net for a long time to come.
Recently, many different media have stated that Weibo is dying as a consequence to 2015 rules that required users to register with their real names. More people allegedly switched from the more public Weibo to the more private messaging app Weixin, media argued, and Weibo would soon be on the way out as online free speech becomes more and more limited.
Although Weibo is not the more ‘private’ platform it used to be, it is still very much alive. Its daily active users are still on the increase, with 34% more in 2015 than in 2014. Its mobile monthly active users grew 57% in 2015.The private dimension of Weibo (talking amongst friends) has made room for Weixin, where P2P is the most important form of interaction. In December 2016, Weibo had 313 million monthly active users.
Sina Weibo is now a public social media platform and China’s most dominant source of news content, where netizens come for information acquisition, sharing and commenting. They also have added additional features to the platform (such as ‘Radar‘) to keep Weibo users coming back.
Weibo still has over 500 million registered users; and with over 212 million of them actively using the platform in 2015, and monthly active users reaching 390 million in September of 2016, Weibo is more alive than ever. Those who said Weibo was dead, were too soon to judge: WeChat has not killed Weibo and users are not leaving (yet). A number one trending topic still has up to 800 million page views and 4.9 million comments.
*Sina Weibo has more than 500 million registered users.
*There are 313 million monthly active users.
*85% of them use Weibo on their mobile.
*There are over 100 million messages posted by users each day.
*70% of Weibo’s active users are at university level.
*50.10% of Weibo users are male, 49.90% are female.
*With 90 million followers, actress Xie Na is the number 1 Weibo celebrity.
Some of Weibo’s top celebrities have more ‘followers’ than any other star in the world. The top 10 celebrities from mainland China with the biggest fan base changes every now and then but the top five has been pretty stable for the past year.
What is noteworthy about this list is that it does not contain any ‘internet celebrities’ (网红 wanghong), meaning people who have become self-made online influencers through the internet, for which Weibo has become known over the past 1-2 years. One example is comedian Papi Jiang, who became famous by posting funny videos of herself. Nevertheless, the biggest Weibo stars are still the ‘traditional celebrities’ in the sense that they have made their big breakthrough through TV or cinema.
Many of them simply have become so big on Weibo because they were among the first celebrities to join the platform since its beginning in 2009. Big names in this list, including Yao Chen, Chen Kun, and Guo Degang, already had over 54 million followers on the platform in 2013.
Here we go with our updated list of Weibo’s biggest stars of 2017:
1. Xie Na 谢娜
The absolute number one this list is the ‘Queen of Weibo’ Xie Na (1981), also nicknamed ‘Nana’ – an extremely popular Chinese singer, actress and designer. One of the reasons she has become so famous in mainland China is that she is the co-host of Happy Camp (快乐大本管), which is one of China’s most popular variety TV shows. She presents the show together with, amongst others, colleague He Jiong, who is the number two in this list.
Xie Na stars in many popular Chinese films and television series. She has also released several albums, founded a personal clothing line, and published two books.
Before getting married to Chinese singer Zhang Jie, Xie Na was in a 6-year relationship with her Happy Camp colleague Liu Ye.
Xiena made headlines in March 2017, becoming #1 trending topic on Weibo, when she announced she would go to Italy as an overseas student to study design.
2. He Jiong 何炅
He Jiong (1974) has been the host of China’s popular Happy Camp TV show for over ten years. He is also a singer, actor, and used to be an Arabic teacher at Beijing’s Foreign Studies University. Chinese media have called He Jiong “a key figure in China’s entertainment industry.”
‘Happy Camp’ (快乐大本馆) is a prime time variety show aired by Hunan TV. It is one of China’s most popular TV shows in China. With a viewership of tens of millions, it often holds first place in China’s total viewing ratings.
3. Chen Kun 陈坤
Chen Kun, sometimes also known as Aloys Chen, is not only popular because of his acting work, but also for his looks – he is known to have a large gay fanbase. He is not shy about his looks, and likes to post a lot of photos of himself on his Weibo page.
4. AngelaBaby 杨颖
‘Angelababy’ (nickname for Yang Ying, 1989) has practically become a household name in China over the past few years. The actress and model started her acting career in 2007 and has taken on many roles in different movies and TV dramas.
Angelababy especially made headlines when she married Chinese famous actor Huang Xiaoming in 2015 and took extravagant pre-wedding photos in Paris. In the same year, she also set off a firestorm of debate when she underwent a medical examination to prove that she did not have facial plastic surgery to defend herself in a court case against a beauty clinic.
Angelababy is one of China’s “New Four Dan Actresses” according to the 2013 Southern Metropolis Daily, meaning she is generally perceived as one of China’s most bankable actresses.
5. Yao Chen 姚晨
In our 2015 list of Weibo’s biggest celebrities, Yao Chen was ranking first with 78 million followers. Although she has gained two million fans since then, she has dropped a few places in this list.
Fujian-born Yao Chen (1979) is a Chinese actress and Weibo celebrity, who was mentioned as the 83rd most powerful woman in the world by Forbes magazine in 2014. Being the first-ever Chinese UNHCR Goodwill Ambassador, she is also called ‘China’s answer to Angelina Jolie’ (Telegraph).
Yao Chen is not necessarily China’s number one actress, but she was one of the first celebrities to share her personal life on Weibo since 2009, and interact with her fans. On Weibo, she talks about her everyday life, family, news-related issues, work, and fashion. She posts personal pictures every day.
The combination of her popularity due to acting work, combined with her frequent Weibo updates and closeness to her fans, have made Yao Chen a huge Weibo celebrity.
For the full list check out our 2017 top 10 of Weibo celebrities.
Chen Zhaoqun, Pengfei Liu, Xiaohan Wang and Yuantao Gu. 2012. “Follow Whom? Chinese Users Have Different Choice.” Paper, Department of Electronic Engineering, Tsinghua University. Available online at http://arxiv.org/abs/1212.0167 (Accessed February 28, 2013).
Gao, Qi, Fabian Abel, Geert-Jan Houben and Yong Yu. 2012. “A Comparative Study of Users’ Microblogging Behavior on Sina Weibo and Twitter.” In: Masthoff, J.; Mobasher, B.; Desmarais, M.; Nkambou, R. (Eds.), User Modeling, Adaptation, and Personalization: 20th International Conference, UMAP 2012, Montreal, Canada, July 16-20, 2012 Proceedings, 88-101. Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg.
Lunden, Ingrid. 2012. “Analyst: Twitter Passed 500M Users In June 2012.” Techcrunch.com (July 30). Available online at http://tcrn.ch/OdtB41 (Accessed February 28, 2013).
Magistad, Mary Kay. 2012. “How Weibo is Changing China.” Yale Global (Aug 9). Available online at http://yaleglobal.yale.edu/content/how-weibo-changing-china (Accessed February 28, 2013).
Millward, Steven. 2015. “Weibo hits 212M monthly active users, most now on mobile.” Tech in Asia, Aug 19 https://www.techinasia.com/weibo-212-million-active-users/ [8.9.15].
Sullivan, Jonathan. 2012. “A Tale of Two Microblogs in China.” Media Culture Society (34): 773-783.
Yeo, George and Eric X. Li. 2012. “Yin and Yang: Sina Weibo and the Chinese State.” New Perspectives Quarterly 29(2): 7-9.
Zhao, J., Wu, W., Zhang, X., Qiang, Y., Liu, T., & Wu, L. 2014. “A Short-Term Trend Prediction Model of Topic over Sina Weibo Dataset.” Journal of Combinatorial Optimization (28):613-625.
Article by Manya Koetse for What’s on Weibo. 2013-2015.
©2015 Whatsonweibo. All rights reserved. Do not reproduce without permission – you can contact us at firstname.lastname@example.org.
Over a Third of China’s Babies Are Delivered via C-Section – The National Health Commission Wants to Change That
Fear of pain is a major reason for nonmedical cesarian deliveries on maternal request.
In 2018 the percentage of deliveries by cesarean was 36.7% in mainland China, according to the latest Report on Women’s & Children’s Health (中国妇幼健康事业发展报告) that was launched by the National Health Commission on May 27.
This means that together with Hong Kong, Taiwan, Brazil, Egypt, and Turkey, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) now has the highest C-section rates in the world.
A World Health Organization report from 2010 estimated that 46% of Chinese babies were delivered via C-section. In 2017, another study found that this percentage was incorrect, although some urban and wealthier regions in China, such as Shanghai, did see C-section (CS) rates as a high as 68% (Black & Bhattacharya 2018, 1; McNeil 2017).
China’s CS rates have recently become a hot topic in Chinese newspapers and on social media. On May 27, the National Health Commission of the People’s Republic of China held a Beijing news conference in which Qin Geng (秦耕), the director, announced that more actions will be taken to encourage natural childbirth among Chinese women.
These actions will, among others, include stricter regulation of cesarian section operations and the provision of more support and pain relief for laboring women, as well as a higher hospital income for natural births. The National Health Comission hopes to significantly reduce the number of unneccesssary C-sections without medical indication in this way (Beijing News 2019; Caijing 2019).
Since 1985, the international healthcare community has considered 10-15% to be “the ideal rate” for C-sections, of which the highest percentage are those CS deliveries with medical indications that can actually save the lives of mothers and babies.
Although the worldwide rates for CS deliveries have increased throughout the years, there is no evidence for the benefits of nonmedically indicated C-sections for women or children, according to the World Health Organization.
This is not the first time Chinese authorities try to combat the country’s high CS rates. After reports by the World Health Organization from 2010 and 2015 pointing out the potential hazards of unnecessary C-sections, there have been various state efforts to reduce the number of nonmedical cesarian surgeries.
Besides the introduction of free prenatal education classes, these efforts included monitoring public hospital CS rates and removing bonuses or cutting portions of a hospital’s income once their CS rates reached a certain threshold (e.g. 40%) (Wang 2017, 3). These government initiatives seem to have had effect: the country’s C-section growth rates have slowed down, but were not decreasing yet.
Since the Chinese government announced an end to its one-child policy in 2015, lowering cesarean sections rates has become a more urgent matter, as Chinese couples are now allowed to have a second child.
Although various studies from mainland China and beyond challenge the idea that nonmedical C-sections are less ‘safe’ than vaginal births for single deliveries, this risk changes when a woman who previously had a CS section plans another pregnancy: multiple cesarean sections are associated with additional risks including CS scar rupture and abnormal placental invasion (Biler et al 2017, 1074; Black & Bhattacharya 2018, 2; Liu et al 2015, 817).
Why So Many C-sections in China?
But why does China have such a high cesarian delivery rate at all? Since the early 1990s, mainland China saw a more dramatic rise in CS rates than, for example, the USA; from less than 10% (with only 3.4% in 1988), China went to one of the highest in the world (Hellerstein 2011; Wolf 2018, 13).
The answer to why this is, is not so straightforward and relates to socio-economic changes as well as cultural factors that come into play.
One reason is that there is a general belief in the ‘safety’ of cesarian births that influence women’s choices for a (nonmedical and planned) C-section (Black & Bhattacharya 2017, 2).
An insightful study into this matter is that of researcher Eileen Wang (2017), who found that anxiety about giving birth and fear of pain is also a major reason for nonmedical cesarian deliveries on maternal request, especially considering that only a minority of Chinese women are given any form of pain relief during labor. Besides traditional concepts, this is also because China faces a shortage of anesthetists and because obstetricians are not always well-informed to prescribe other forms of pain medication (2017, 5).
As noted by Wang, epidurals are denied to laboring women not just because anesthesiologists are too busy, but also because of various other factors: different from a scheduled C-section on their agenda, they are not always available during nighttimes and in weekends to administer anesthesia to women in labor, do not have the time to monitor a patient for hours during labor (whereas a cesarean could be done in an hour), or were not even trained to administer epidurals (2017, 5).
According to Wang, the concerns about labor pain result in more requests for C-sections, both before and during labor. With relatively low awareness and availability of labor pain relief methods many Chinese women simply opt for a C-section as a way to control their pain.
But there are also other factors that contribute to the relatively high rate of women requesting C-sections for nonmedical reasons. One of them is the importance placed in the astrological calendar: having a baby on that one ‘lucky day’ or within that ‘lucky year’ is considered enough reason to plan a cesarian birth for many Chinese families.
In early 2015, ahead of the Chinese New Year, many women rushed to the hospital to make sure their baby was born in the Year of the Horse (2014) as the Year of the Goat (2015) was coming up. There is an old Chinese saying that nine out of ten people born in the Year of the Goat are incomplete and will suffer from great misfortune throughout their life (“十羊九不全”).
Another factor that leads to more cesareans on maternal request relates to the existing concerns among women that vaginal delivery will affect their figure or sex life (Wang 2017, 2).
Responses on Chinese Social Media
Since the Beijing news conference of May 27, the hashtag “Reducing Unnecessary Cesarean Section Surgery” (#减少非必需剖宫产手术#) has taken off on Chinese social media.
“What do you call ‘unnecessary cesarian’?” one of the most popular comments said: “Isn’t it that so many women in labor choose to have a C-section because natural childbirth is too painful?”
Other commenters also called for a normalization of pain relief in labor, saying that the high percentage of C-sections lies in the fact that Chinese women lack access to “wútòng fēnmiǎn” (无痛分娩) or “painless birth,” meaning vaginal delivery with pain relief.
Some Weibo users also stress that women should have the freedom of choice on how they wish to give birth, saying: “C-section or natural should be my own choice” and “If you leave me no choice I might as well not give birth at all.”
Multiple commenters write: “The lower the C-section rate, the higher the suicides,” referring to an incident that occurred in Shaanxi in 2017 when a pregnant woman committed suicide by jumping from the fifth floor of the hospital after she was allegedly denied a CS delivery.
Other Chinese netizens also complain about the fact that it seems to be men who are promoting the new policies to combat the high C-section rates, writing: “Isn’t there a way to have them suffer the pain of labor instead?”
In her study, scholar Eileen Wang also argues that the lack of pain relief is one of the major issues that should be addressed by policymakers who are hoping to reduce the number of C-sections in China. Further improving the childbirth experience by, for example, integrating a midwifery model, is also essential in making natural childbirth more attractive for Chinese women, Wang argues.
For now, many hospitals in China are still offering C-section “packages”: some prices start at RMB 5800 ($840) for a C-section, other hospitals have packages that start from RMB 88,000 ($12,741) including a three-day hospital stay in a private room.
“It’s a pregnant’s woman body, so she should decide how she wants to deliver her baby,” one commenter on Weibo writes: “It should be a woman’s right to decide.”
By Manya Koetse
Biler, A., Ekin, A., Ozcan, A., Inan, A. H., Vural, T., & Toz, E. 2017. “Is It Safe to Have Multiple Repeat Cesarean Sections? A High Volume Tertiary Care Center Experience.” Pakistan Journal of Medical Sciences 33(5): 1074–1079.
Black, Mairead & Sohinee Bhattacharya. 2018. “Cesarean Section in China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong— A Safe Choice for Women and Clinicians?” PLOS Medicine 15(10): 1-3.
Caijing. 2019. “卫健委：全国剖宫产率为36.7% 积极推广分娩镇痛.” Caijing , May 27 http://economy.caijing.com.cn/20190527/4591594.shtml [5.31.19].
Hellerstein, Susan Celia. 2011. “Cesarean Delivery in China Analysis of Cesarean Deliveries Without Indication.” The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists: 20s.
McNeil, Donald. 2017. “Study Finds Lower, but Still High, Rate of C-Sections in China.” New York Times, Jan 9 https://www.nytimes.com/2017/01/09/health/c-section-births-china.html [6.2.19].
Wang, Eileen. 2017. “Requests for Cesarean Deliveries: The Politics of Labor Pain and Pain Relief in Shanghai, China.” Social Science and Medicine (173): 1–8.
WHO. 2015. “WHO statement on caesarean section rates.” World Health Organization, April https://www.who.int/reproductivehealth/publications/maternal_perinatal_health/cs-statement/en/ [6.2.19].
Wolf, Jacqueline H. 2018. Cesarean Section – An American History of Risk, Technology, and Consequence. Baltimore, Maryland: Johns Hopkins University Press.
Featured image by Sohu News.
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What Are Weibo’s “Super Topics”?
Explaining Weibo’s “Super Topics”
Over the past year, Weibo’s so-called “Super Topics” (超级话题) have become more popular on the social media platform as online spaces for people to connect and share information.
Weibo’s “super topic” function has been around since 2016. The function allows Weibo users to create and join interest-based content community pages that are online groups separated from the main Weibo space. One could perhaps compare these Weibo Super Groups to ‘mega-threads’ or ‘subreddits’ on Reddit.
These are the most important things to know about Weibo’s Super Topics:
#1 A Super Topic is Not the Same as a Hashtag
Similar to Twitter, hashtags make it possible for Weibo users to tag a topic they are addressing in their post so that their content pops up whenever other people search for that hashtag.
Different from Twitter, Weibo hashtags also have their own page where the hashtag is displayed on top, displaying how many people have viewed the hashtag, how many comments the hashtag is tagged in, and allowing users to share the hashtag page with others.
A Super Topic goes beyond the hashtag. It basically is a community account where all sort of information is shared and organized. People can ‘follow’ (关注) a Super Topic and can also ‘sign in’ (签到).
On the main page of every Super Topic page, the main subject or purpose of the super topic is briefly explained, and the number of views, followers, and posts are displayed.
A super topic-page can be created by any Weibo user and can have up to three major hosts, and ten sub-hosts. The main host(s) can decide which content will be featured as essential, they can place sticky notes, and post links to suggested topics.
#2 A Super Topic Is a Way to Organize Content
Super Topic pages allow hosts to organize relevant content in the way they want. Besides the comment area, the page consists of multiple tabs.
A tab right underneath the main featured information on the page, for example, shows the “sticky posts” (置顶帖) that the host(s) of the page have placed there, linking to relevant information or trending hashtag pages. Below the sticky notes, all the posts posted in the Super Topic community are displayed.
One of the most important tabs within the Super Topic page is called “essential content” (精花), which only shows the content that is manually selected by the host(s). This is often where opinion pieces, articles, official news, or photos, etc. are collected and separated from all the other posts.
Another tab is the “Hall of Fame” (名人堂), which mainly functions as a reference page. It features links to the personal Weibo pages of the super topic page host(s), links to the Weibo pages of top contributors, and shows a list of the biggest fans of the Super Topic. Who the biggest fan of the page is, is decided by the number of consecutive days a person has “checked-in” on the page.
#3 Super Topics Are a Place for Fans to Gather
Although a Super Topic could basically be about anything, from cities to products or hobbies, Super Topics are often created for Chinese celebrities, video games, football clubs, or TV dramas.
Through Super Topic pages, a sense of community can be created. People can be ranked for being the most contributive or for checking in daily, and comment on each other’s posts, making it a home base for many fan clubs across China.
The host(s) can also help somebody’s page (e.g. a celebrity account) grow by proposing them to others within the group.
Super Groups are ranked on Weibo based on their popularity. This also gives fans more reason to stay active in the group, making their Super Topic top ranking within their specific category (TV drama, food, photography, sports, games, etc).
What makes the Super Topic group more ‘private’ than the common Weibo area, is that people posting within the Super Topic can decide whether or not they also want their comment shared on their own Weibo page or not. If they choose not to, their comments or posts will only be visible within the Super Topic community.
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